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The Gold Market, Part 5

The Gold Market
Part 5
by J. Orlin Grabbe

Interest rates in the gold market are a principal concern of gold dealers and gold mining companies.

In Parts 3 and 4, we saw how two interest rates– gold lease rates and eurodollar rates–determine the relationship between the dollar price of spot gold and the dollar price of gold forwards and futures. In the forward market, these two interest rates give rise to the swap rate, while in the futures market they determine the EFP price. Both swaps and EFPs involve a spot sale or purchase of gold, along with the reverse trade in the forward market (if a swap) or futures market (if an EFP).

Because eurodollar rates have historically always exceeded gold lease rates, gold forward and futures have always traded at a premium (have always been in contango). There is nothing inevitable about this relationship, however.

But there are many contracts in the gold market that do not involve the spot, forward or future price of gold, but rather are simply written in terms of gold interest rates. These include gold forward rate agreements (FRAs), gold interest rate swaps, and gold interest rate guarantees (IRGs). Let’s examine each of these contracts in turn.

Gold FRAs

A gold forward rate agreement (FRA) is a contract whose payout depends on whether the market interest rate diverges from an agreed “contract rate”. It is called a “forward rate” agreement, because the interest rate applies to a gold deposit or loan starting at some time period in the future. That is, the interest rate in question is the gold lease rate (also called gold libor). Recall that we used the gold “lease” rate as a generic term to refer to both the bid rate for taking in gold deposits and the offer rate for making gold loans. Recall also that the interest in this case is typically paid or received as so many ounces of gold. Similarly, a gold FRA will be typically settled with one party paying the other in gold.

A typical FRA contract in this regard might be a gold deposit that begins three months from today, and lasts for three months (ending six months from today). This would be called a 3 vs. 6 FRA. The terminology “3 vs. 6” implies the contract starts in 3 months and ends in 6 months.

What is agreed to is a contractual interest rate: the FRA rate. If the actual realized market rate turns out to differ from the FRA rate (as it almost inevitably will), then one makes or receives payment depending on the terms of the contract.

There are five principal parts to an FRA contract: the contract rate, the notional amount of gold in a contract, the fixing date when the market interest rate is compared to the contract rate, the start date of the deposit (or loan), and the maturity date of the deposit (loan).

One can buy or sell this contract. The settlement amount S paid to the buyer of the FRA from the seller is calculated as follows:

S = notional amount x (market rate – contract rate) x (days in period)/360.

If the market rate is below the contract rate, so that the sign on the amount S is negative, then the FRA buyer pays the FRA seller the absolute value of S.

The calculation above assumes that payment is made at the end of the FRA period (on the maturity date). But if (as is normally the case) payment is made on the start date instead, the settlement amount S given above is discounted by the market rate at which the contract was settled:

S/[1 + market rate x (days in period)/360].

Let’s do an example.

Example: Consider a depositor who will have one ton (32,000 ounces) of gold available in 3 months, but will not be utilizing the gold for another 3 months after that. He wants to lock in the interest rate he will receive on his gold deposit now. He asks for a quote of the 3 vs. 6 months FRA, and receives the quotation:

    3 vs. 6 FRA 1.50-1.80 % 

This quotation means he can "sell" the FRA at a contract rate of 1.50 percent (.015), or "buy" the FRA at a contract rate of 1.80 percent.

So, in this case, he sells the FRA with a contract rate of 1.50, and a notional amount of 32,000 ounces of gold.

Three months from today, on the fixing date, he will determine the best market rate available, and this will be compared to the contract rate to determine the FRA settlement amount. (The fixing date will typically be two business days prior to the conceptual start date of the deposit or loan.) Suppose the best deposit rate at that time is 1.00 percent (.01). Suppose also that the three- month deposit period from start date to maturity date is 92 days. The settlement amount S is then calculated as:

S = 32,000 x (.01-.015) x (92/360) = - 40.889 oz.

The sign here is negative, which means the FRA buyer pays the FRA seller (our hypothetical depositor) 40.889 oz. of gold on the maturity date (if payment is made then). If payment is made on the start date, it is discounted by the time period of the deposit:

40.889/[1+.01 x (92/360)] = 40.785 oz.

So in this event the FRA buyer pays the FRA seller 40.785 oz. of gold on the start date.

Now if the depositor deposits his ton of gold at the market rate of 1.00 percent for three months, he will end up with an equivalent interest rate of 1.50 percent, the FRA rate, because the difference has been paid out on the FRA contract.

The same would have been true if the depositor had lost, rather than gained, from the FRA contract. For in that case the market rate paid on deposits would be higher than 1.50 percent, but the depositor would lose the difference on the FRA contract. 

Similar examples could be done for gold borrowers. Gold borrowers typically borrow at the gold lease (gold libor) rate plus a margin: say

market rate + .75%

and make periodic gold interest payments at intervals of 6 months. By using FRAs for 6 month intervals (such as 6 vs. 12, 12 vs. 18, 18 vs. 24, etc.), the next few interest payments on this loan can be locked in as

FRA rate + .75%

if that seems desirable.

Gold Interest Rate Swaps

It is important not to get the word “swap” as used here confused with “swap” in the gold forward market. There the term referred to the relationship between spot and forward prices. Here, in “interest rate swap,” we are referring to a trade of a fixed interest rate for a floating interest rate.

The swap “buyer” in an interest rate swap agrees to pay a fixed interest rate to another party, and in return receives at periodic intervals an interest rate that fluctuates (floats) with the market. That is, the buyer pays a fixed gold rate and receives the market- determined gold lease rate (or some equivalent).

The other side of the interest rate swap contract is the seller who receives fixed and pays floating.

If, for example, the floating rate is the 3-month gold lease rate, then every 3 months there will be a net interest payment whenever the market lease rate diverges from the fixed rate. If the market rate is above the fixed rate, then the swap buyer (who pays fixed) will receive an interest payment representing the positive net difference of floating minus fixed. If the market rate is below the fixed rate, then the swap seller (who receives fixed) will receive an interest payment representing the positive net difference of fixed minus floating.

In essence, then, a gold interest rate swap is just a series of gold FRAs. If the floating rate in the market is above the fixed rate, the swap buyer (who pays fixed) is in the same positon as the buyer of an FRA. If we equate the “fixed rate” with the “contract rate” in an FRA, then the FRA buyer receives a positive cash flow if the market rate is above the fixed rate.

So buying a gold interest rate swap represents the purchase of a series of gold FRAs at a single contract rate (fixed rate), while selling a gold interest rate swap represents the sale of a series of gold FRAs at a single contract rate (fixed rate).

Why would someone want to do this? Let’s consider an example.

Example: Consolidated Gold Nuggets has an existing loan of 1 million ozs. of gold with two years remaining to maturity. It pays floating interest at the 3-month gold lease rate plus a margin of 1.75 percent. However, gold lease rates have fallen, and the treasurer wishes to lock in a low fixed rate. Renegotiating the loan will involve contractual penalties. The treasurer shops the market and determines she can buy a two- year gold interest rate swap, paying 2 percent fixed against the floating 3-month gold lease rate flat. She does the swap.

Her swap payments are

2% - 3-month gold lease.

Her loan payments are

3-month gold lease + 1.75%.

The net interest payment is the sum of these:

2% + 1.75% = 3.75% .

So by doing the gold interest rate swap, she has turned the floating rate loan into a fixed rate loan of 3.75 percent. 

Gold Interest Rate Guarantees

Gold IRGs are a form of insurance. Typically they take the form of a floating rate, with a guaranteed maximum or minimum. The gold borrower might prefer to borrow floating, and hence have the ability to profit from falling interest rates, but nevertheless want a guarantee that the floating rate paid will not rise above some maximum or ceiling level.

In a similar vein, a gold lender might prefer to lend at floating rates, in order to profit from rising interest rates, but desire a guarantee that the rate received will not fall below some minimum or floor level.

These types of guarantee contracts are analytically equivalent to interest rate options. Hence we will defer their discussion until we have discussed options in general in the context of options on the gold price.

(to be continued)

This article appeared in Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 2, No 22.
Web Page: http://www.aci.net/kalliste/

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The Gold Market, Part 4

The Gold Market
Part 4
by J. Orlin Grabbe

“There’s been a bomb at the World Trade Center.”

We all looked over at Kelley, one of the gold traders. She was quoting the Telerate news ticker off the monitor on her desk. There was no further information.

We then looked past Kelley, out the seventh floor windows of 222 Broadway, and down the half block of a side street to No. 4 World Trade Center (WTC). The COMEX, where gold futures are traded, was on the 8th floor of No. 4 WTC, and Kelley and one of the other gold traders had open phones lines to the trading floor.

The background voices at the COMEX, heard over the speakers where we were, sounded normal. The street scene outside looked normal also.

“Why don’t you ask the floor if there’s anything unusual over there,” I suggested to Kelley. We had two brokers on the COMEX floor.

Nothing out of the ordinary, they said. No bomb here. One opined he had felt a small shake of the building. The other one hadn’t noticed even that.

Those of us at 222 Broadway went back to work, filing away this interesting, but seemingly irrelevant piece of information: a bomb at the World Trade Center. It was, in fact, another hour before smoke began to fill the elevators at No. 4 WTC, and COMEX traders were ordered to evacuate the building. In the meantime, Kelley kept us updated as more news hit the ticker.

“It was centered in the garage area,” she announced.

For the first time, someone looked concerned. “I’m parked over there,” he said.

Tom wandered by my desk. “Want to go take a look?” he asked. Tom was a PhD chemist who had turned option trader. He had a natural curiosity about explosions.

I declined the invitation. Where there is one bomb, there may be two, and I preferred to wait until the excitement was over. If the bomb was in the parking garage, I doubted there was anything to see, anyway. Tom shrugged and left by himself. He returned with a report: the bomb had collapsed the lobby floor of the Vista Hotel on the ground floor of the tower at No. 1 WTC, as well as the floor below that, and a 20- foot crater now extended out to the street beside the tower. From our windows, we couldn’t see the activity taking place because No. 4 WTC blocked our view. I reflected that I had passed through the Vista Hotel lobby the previous day, en route to the walkway connecting the World Trade Center to the World Financial Center located on the other (wharf) side of Manhattan’s Westside Highway.

As it turned out, the WTC bomb had been planted by an FBI informant, whose FBI handler had insisted he use real explosives, and not fake that part of the “sting”. This was reported in the New York Times before Louis Freeh’s media handlers went to work and quashed reports of the FBI connection, and diverted all attention to the supposedly purely foreign nature of the “Middle Eastern terrorists” (with U.S. intelligence connections) whose operation the FBI had been assisting under the guise of conducting a “terrorist sting”.

It was claimed the bombers had intended to bring down the tower at No. 1 WTC. Though in fact the van filled with explosive (alleged, but not shown, to be urea nitrate) had done no damage to the building structure. Explosive pressure drops off approximately with the cube of the distance, so to do serious damage with a low-power explosive, you need to attached it to the building columns.

What the explosion had done was to take out two floors in a particular area vertical to the van location, and to fill the building cavities with smoke. Most of the 1000 or so injuries resulted from smoke inhalation, and were basically confined to those taking the commuter trains from New Jersey into the train station in the basement of the WTC. That is, to passers-through trapped in smoke, and not to people actually working at the WTC.

By the end of the day, Tom and I were discussing ANFO bombs instead of options. Where I had grown up in Texas, ammonium nitrate was widely used as fertilizer. It was just one of those things prevalent in the environment, like gasoline and butane, that you used and treated with respect. I had never known anyone killed with ammonium nitrate, although I had known two people, including one neighbor, who had blown themselves up welding “empty” butane tanks.

No, the FBI-assisted terrorists hadn’t done much damage to the World Trade Center, relatively speaking, aside from the Vista Hotel. But for a few hours on Feb. 26, 1993, they had shut down the COMEX, and– London trading having finished for the day–most of the world’s gold market along with it.

Gold Futures

Gold futures are traded at the COMEX in New York (which merged with the NYMEX on August 3, 1994, and is now known as the “COMEX Division” of the New York Mercantile Exchange), at the TOCOM in Tokyo, and–until recently– at the SIMEX in Singapore. Gold futures are also traded at the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) and at the Istanbul Gold Exchange. (The latter is mostly a market for spot gold. For example, over 8 million ounces of gold were traded spot at the Istanbul Gold Exchange in 1997, but only about 43,000 ounces were traded through the futures market.)

Gold futures are priced much like the gold forwards we discussed in part 3. That is, in their relationship to the spot price, futures show little difference from forwards. But there are many other ways in which futures contracts differ from forwards, and it is important to understand what these are.

Forward gold is traded for contract settlement at standardized intervals from spot settlement, in intervals that correspond to foreign exchange forward contracts: 1, 2, 3, 6, and 12-month forwards are typical. Spot gold traded on Wednesday June 24 will settle on Friday, June 26. A one-month forward trade on June 24 will take us to July 26, which is a Sunday, so settlement of a one-month forward will be on Monday, July 27. A two-month forward trade on June 24 will take us to August 26, which is a Wednesday, so settlement of a two-month forward contract will be on August 26. And so on.

Futures, by contrast, are traded for fixed dates in the future. At the COMEX and CBOT, gold is traded for settlement in February, April, June, August, October, and December, as well as the current and next two calendar months. Istanbul trades the next six months for Turkish lira-denominated contracts, or the next 12 months for U.S. dollar-denominated contracts. The last trading day for a futures contract is the fourth to last business day in the delivery month (at the CBOT or Istanbul), or the third to last business day (at the COMEX). That is, the August 1998 COMEX gold future trades until the third to last business day in August 1998. At the TOCOM, there are futures for the current or next odd month, and all even months within a year. The last trading day is the third to last business day, except for December, when the last trading day is December 24.

Despite the different trade date conventions, however, if futures and forward settlement dates happen to correspond, forward and futures prices are the same, subject to slight differences related to delivery grade or location (Manhattan, say, versus London).

How Futures Markets Deal with Credit Risk

The main different between futures and forwards is the way futures markets handle credit risk. In the forward market, a credit evaluation must be made of the counterparty–evaluating the counterparty’s ability to pay cash if gold was purchased forward, or the ability to deliver the gold, if gold was sold forward.

The futures market don’t worry about such customer credit evaluations. Instead, a futures contract is configured as a pure bet, based on price change. So one is asked to post a security bond, called “margin”, which covers the typical variation in the value of a contract for several days. Going long a futures contract is a bet that the price is going up, while going short is a bet the price is going down. Cash flows from price changes take place daily. So those who post the required margin against possible losses (and who replenish this margin if necessary) are considered credit-worthy, while those who can’t post margin aren’t credit-worthy. Customers post margin with member firms of the futures exchange, who in turn post margin with clearing member firms. The clearing member firms post margin (on the customer’s behalf) at a clearinghouse. This way of dealing with credit risk is a much cleaner structure than in the forward market world of customer credit evaluations, accounting reports, and other types of intrusive financial reporting. (Of course, exchange member firms and, especially, clearing member firms still have to undergo the usual sorts of credit checks.)

To close out a long position, one sells (goes short) an off-setting contract. To close out a short position, one buys (goes long) an off-setting contract. The opening and subsequent closing of a futures position is referred to as a “round turn”. Brokerage fees are usually charged per round turn, at the time the future contract is closed out.

At discount brokerage firms in the U.S., in June 1998, the typical customer margin on a 100 oz. gold futures contract was about $1350, while there was a typical brokerage charge of $25 per round turn.

The size of the futures bet depends on the stated size of the futures contract. The cash flow will be the change in price multiplied by the contract size.

At the COMEX, CBOT, and the SIMEX, the contract size is 100 ozs of gold with a fineness of .995. So if gold (of that fineness) went from $299/oz at contract opening to $297.50/oz as the day’s futures settlement price, a long contract would lose $150, while a short contract would gain $150. (The calculation on the short position is $299 minus $297.50, multiplied by 100.)

The TOCOM trades 1 kilo bars (32.148 ozs) of .9999 fineness. The price is stated as yen/gram. So the daily change in value of a single contract is the change in the yen price per gram, multiplied by 1000 grams.

The Istanbul gold futures contract is for 3 kilograms of gold of .995 fineness, quoted either in terms of U.S. dollars per ounce, or Turkish lira per gram. The daily change in value of a U.S. dollar- denominated contract is the change in dollars per oz, multiplied by 96.444 ozs. The daily change in value of a Turkish lira-denominated contract is the change in the Turkish lira price per gram, multiplied by 3000 grams.

The “initial” margin that must be posted as a security bond is large enough to cover several days expected/loss or gain, and is thus related to the standard deviation of daily contract value changes. The margin is held by a clearinghouse which thus “guarantees” that the losing side of the daily futures bet pays the winning side. For every customer that goes long a contract, the clearinghouse takes the other side, going short. For every customer that goes short a contract, the clearinghouse takes the other side, going long. The clearinghouse thus is in a position to move cash from the losing side of any futures bet to the winning side.

If the initial margin is depleted by losses, it eventually reaches a “maintenance” margin level, below which the customer is required to replenish the margin to its initial level. For example, at discount brokerage firms in the U.S. in June 1998, a typical maintenance margin level for gold futures contracts at the COMEX was $1000 per contract. So if the posted margin dropped below $1000 per futures contract, additional margin had to be posted to bring the total back to at least $1350 per contract (the typical initial margin level).

Customers typically may post margin in the form of cash, or U.S. government securities with less than 10 years to maturity. Clearing members may post cash, government securities, or letters of credit with the clearinghouse. The details differ at different exchanges.

The Equilibrium Futures Price

The equilibrium futures price is that point where the market clears between longs and shorts. Arbitrage, however, forces the futures price to track the forward price (and vice-versa). Similarly, arbitrage between the futures market and the spot market on the final day of trading forces the futures price to converge to the spot price. On the final trading day at the SIMEX, where no gold can actually be delivered on a futures contract, the settlement price is set as the loco London price of the A.M. London price fix. This forces convergent of the futures price to the price in the London spot market. At the COMEX and CBOT, the open longs take delivery of spot gold, which accomplishes the same thing.

(On January 9, 1998, the SIMEX removed trading of its gold futures contract from the floor of the exchange. The contract is still available on the SIMEX Automated Trading System.)

Delivery at the COMEX and the CBOT is one 100-oz bar (plus or minus 5 percent) or three 1-kilogram gold bars, assaying not less than .995 fineness. (Note that 3 kilo bars is about 96 ounces of gold. The dollar amount actually paid at delivery depends, of course, on the specific amount of gold delivered, which must be within 5 percent of the hypothetical 100 ozs per contract.) Delivery at the CBOT takes place by a vault receipt drawn on gold deposits made in CBOT-approved vaults in Chicago or New York. Gold delivered against futures contracts at the COMEX must bear a serial number and identifying stamp of a refiner approved by the COMEX, and made from a depository located in the Borough of Manhattan, City of New York, and licensed by the COMEX. As noted previously, there is no delivery at the SIMEX. The futures contract is purely cash- settled, with the final settlement price determined by the London A.M. gold fix.

In part 3, we saw the U.S. dollar forward price of gold would be related to the U.S. dollar spot price of gold by the relationship

F(T) = S [1 + r (T/360)] / [1 + r* (T/360)]. 

where the spot price is S, the forward (or futures) price is F(T) for a time-horizon of T days, the eurodollar rate is r, and the gold lease rate is r. If the eurodollar rate r is higher than the gold lease rate r, then the forward (futures) gold price will be higher than the spot gold price. Historically gold lease rates have always been lower than eurodollar rates, so forward gold (or a gold futures contract) always trades at a higher price than spot gold. The same is not true, for example, in the silver market. During the year 1998, silver lease rates have frequently exceeded eurodollar rates, so forward silver has traded at a cheaper price than spot silver.

Different terms are used to refer to the relationship between forward or futures prices and spot prices. If forward gold (or a gold future) has a higher price than spot gold, the forward gold or gold future is said to be at a premium, or (in the London market) in contango. If forward gold has a lower price than spot gold, the forward gold or gold future is at a discount, or (in the London market) in backwardation.

As we noted before, forward gold has in recent history always been in contango, or at a premium, because dollar interest rates have always been above gold lease rates. We saw in part 3 that the difference between the forward price and the spot price, F(T)-S, is the swap rate. Since the forward price of gold has always been at a premium in recent years (since 1980, in particular), the swap rate has always been positive. A related term that is used in the U.S. futures markets is basis. Basis is the spot price minus the futures price, or S-F(T), which is just the swap rate with the sign reversed. The gold basis has always been negative in recent years. The Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, for example, publishes monthly charts of the gold basis. Reverse the sign on their chart, and you are looking at the swap rate.

Exchange for Physicals

While forward gold is traded in the form of swaps, which combines a spot trade (buy or sell) with the reverse forward trade (sell or buy), gold futures can be traded in the form of EFPs (exchange for physicals), which combine a futures trade with the reverse spot trade. EFPs are traded for the same months as gold futures. The EFP price represents the difference between the futures price and the spot price for the combined trade.

For example, a marketmaker may quote the August EFP at the COMEX as $1.10-$1.30 in 100 lots. This means the marketmaker’s prices are good for a standard trade involving 100 futures contracts (10,000 ozs of gold). The marketmaker will “buy” the EFP at $1.10/oz, or “sell” the EFP for $1.30/oz.

This quotation implies that for $1.10/oz. the marketmaker offers to buy from you 100 gold futures contracts, while simultaneously selling to you 10,000 ozs of spot gold. For $1.30/oz. the marketmaker will sell to you 100 gold futures contracts, while simultaneously purchasing 10,000 ozs of spot gold. To summarize: the marketmaker’s bid price is the price he will buy futures versus selling spot, while the marketmaker’s asked price is the price he will sell futures versus buying spot. The EFP price is thus simply a different way of looking at the basis or the swap rate.

On June 24, 1998, the mid-market price (average of bid and asked prices) of the EFP associated with the August 1998 COMEX gold contract was a positive $1.25, while the mid-market price associated with the Dec 1998 COMEX gold contract was a positive $5.60. By contrast, the EFP associate with the July 1998 COMEX silver contract was a negative $2.00. This reflected the fact that gold lease rates were below eurodollar rates, while silver lease rates were above.

(to be continued)

This article appeared in Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 2, No 20.
Web Page: http://www.aci.net/kalliste/

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The Gold Market, Part 3

The Gold Market
Part 3
by J. Orlin Grabbe

Now that we have seen how spot gold is priced “loco London,” we can examine how other local markets, and other types of gold contracts, are priced in reference to the London spot market. This includes other spot delivery locations, gold forward and futures contracts–such as the gold futures contract at the NYMEX in New York– and gold swaps, forward rate agreements, and options. (In 1994 the COMEX merged with the NYMEX, and the principal gold futures contract now trades there.)

London is only one of many important centers for gold trading. The second principal center for spot or physical gold trading, for example, is Zurich. For eight hours a day, trading occurs simultaneously in London and Zurich–with Zurich normally opening, and closing, an hour earlier than London. During these hours Zurich closely rivals London in its influence over the spot price, because of the importance of the three major Swiss banks–Credit Suisse, Swiss Bank Corporation, and Union Bank of Switzerland–in the physical gold market. Each of these banks has long maintained its own refinery, often taking physical delivery of gold and processing it for other regional markets.

(On December 8, 1997, Swiss Bank Corporation and Union Bank of Switzerland announced plans to merge, the combined bank to be known as United Bank of Switzerland. The net effect such a merger would ultimately have on the Zurich gold market is not yet clear.)

In addition to other gold delivery locations, there are other weight and quality standards which create differential prices. Examples include the London and Tokyo kilobars (which are 32.148 ozs., instead of the circa 400 oz. “large bars”), the 10 tola bars (3.75 ozs.) popular in India and the Middle East, the 1, 5 and 10 tael bars (respectively 1.203, 6.017, and 12.034 ozs.) found in Hong Kong and Taiwan, and the baht bar (0.47 ozs) of Thailand. Gold content is another difference. The London good delivery bar is only required to have a minimum of 995 parts gold to 1000 parts total. But a gold content of 9,999 parts gold to 10,000 parts total (“four nines”) is commonly traded, as is a content of 990 parts to 1,000 total (the baht bar being an example of the latter ratio). Gold purity is important to industry. Jewellers might want gold in the form of grain for alloying, while electronics firms may require “five nines”–meaning .99999 purity.
Pricing Nonstandard Contracts

Nonstandard contracts can be priced by reference to the standard loco London good delivery bar, by taking into account the simple arbitrage relationships that would turn one into another. The primary variables to keep track of are the costs of shipping gold from one location to another, the cost of refining gold to different purity levels, and the interest or financing cost for the time required to accomplish these activities.

Suppose a dealer is offered non-good delivery bars of .995 purity loco Panama City. Here is one chain of calculations the dealer might go through to come up with a price quotation. First the dealer notes that London good delivery bars of .9999 purity can be sold in Tokyo for $.50/oz premium to the standard loco London price. He knows that if he buys the bars in Panama, he could sell them in Tokyo, but first he would have to ship them to an appropriate location to upgrade their purity.

The dealer also knows that he can upgrade to London large bars for good delivery, and have the gold content refined to .9999 purity, for $.50/oz at the Johnson Matthey refinery in Salt Lake City, Utah. There is a two-week turnaround time for the upgrade. Shipping time is one day from Panama City to Salt Lake, and two days from Salt Lake to Tokyo.

The dealer calculates the cost of shipping and insurance from Panama to Salt Lake as $.40/oz, while shipping from Salt Lake to Tokyo is $.70/oz. The total time consumed would be 15 days, which at 6 percent interest and spot gold at, say, $300/oz amounts to 300 x .06 (15/360) = $.75/oz.

So the dealer adds up: shipping costs $1.10, plus interest cost $.75, plus refining cost $.50, minus selling premium in Tokyo of $.50. The net cost to the dealer to sell the Panama bars in Tokyo is $1.85/oz.

Therefore the dealer’s best, or break-even, quotation to the person offering him non-standard gold bars in Panama City would be the spot price for good delivery loco London minus $1.85. If spot gold were at $300/oz. bid, the most the dealer could afford to bid for the Panama bars would be $298.15/oz.
The Gold Lease or Gold Libor Rates

Gold bears interest. Positive interest. Many people do not know this. They are used to the notion of storing their gold with some bank or warehouse, and paying for storage cost. They then view the storage and insurance cost as a negative interest rate. But this has little to do with the way gold is priced or traded in the wholesale market.

The forward price of gold–the price agreed now for gold to be purchased or sold at some time in the future–is a function of the gold spot price, and the interest rates representing alternative uses of resources over the forward time period. So before we discuss gold forward prices, we should discuss gold and dollar interest rates.

This brings us to the gold lease rate, or the gold interest rate paid on gold deposits. Another term that is used is gold libor, by analogy with the London Interbank Offered Rate for eurocurrencies traded in London. Despite the apparent literal connotation of each of these labels, “gold libor rates” and “gold lease rates” are alternative descriptions that refer to the bid-asked gold interest rates paid on gold. The bid rate (deposit rate, borrowing rate) is the gold interest rate paid for borrowing gold (that is, on gold deposits), while the asked or offered rate is the gold interest rate quoted for lending gold. The expressions “bid-asked gold lease rates” or “bid-asked gold libor rates” are thus interchangeable.

If the gold borrowing rate is 2 percent per annum, for example, then 100 ozs of gold borrowed for 360 days must be repaid as 102 ozs of gold. (Gold interest rates, like most money market rates, are nearly always quoted on the basis of a 360-day year.) In the early 1980s gold deposits rarely yielded over 1 percent, but in recent years have rarely yielded less than 1 percent. The chart below, from Kitco, shows gold lease rates from August 1993 to October 1996. (More recent daily quotes can be found at the Kitco web site.)

Because of large central bank gold holdings, gold loans are one of the cheapest financing sources for the gold mining industry. A mining company borrows gold and sells it on the spot market to obtain funds for gold production. The interest installments on the gold loan are payable in gold. And when the loan matures, the principal (and any final interest due) is repaid directly from mine production.

Central banks are the major lenders of gold. They accounted for around 75 percent of the gold on loan, estimated at around 2,750 tonnes, at the end of 1996. Central banks in recent years have been under pressure to earn a return on their gold holdings, and therefore lend to, for example, gold dealers who have mismatched books between gold deposits and gold loans. (The practice of central bank gold lending first became newsworthy in 1990, when the investment banking firm Drexel, Burnham, Lambert went bankrupt while owing borrowed gold to the Central Bank of Portugal.)

The gold lending (or borrowing) rate, then, is one of the components that determine the gold forward price. Let’s see how this works.
The Gold Forward Price

Suppose the spot price of gold is $300/oz. The gold lease rate for 180 days is 2 percent per annum. And the eurodollar rate for 180 days is 6 percent per annum. (For simplicity here, we ignore all bid-asked spreads. But they are easily included in the following calculations.)

I borrow $300 at the eurodollar rate. In 180 days I will have to repay the dollar borrowing with interest in the amount $300 (1+.06(180/360)) = $300 (1.03) = $309.

With the borrowed money I can buy 1 oz. of gold, and place it on deposit for 180 days. The amount of gold I will get back is 1 (1+.02(180/360) = 1 (1.01) = 1.01 oz.

Thus, 1 oz. of gold with a spot price of $300 has grown into 1.01 ounces in 180 days, with a value of $309. This translates into a 180-day forward value of $309/1.01 = $305.94.

Spot price: $300.00
180-day Forward Price: $305.94

Notice that both the gold lease and the eurodollar rate have gone into this calculation. Specifically:

$305.94 = $300 [1+.06 (180/360)] / [1+.02 (180/360)]. 

In general, if the spot price is S, the forward price is F(T) for a time-horizon of T days (up to a year), the eurodollar rate is r, and the gold lease rate is r*, we have the relation

F(T) = S [1 + r (T/360)] / [1 + r* (T/360)]. 

Notice that in the numerical example we just used, the forward price $305.94 is approximately 2 percent higher than the spot price of $300. That is, the 180- day forward premium of $5.94 is approximate 2 percent of the spot price of $300. (An exact 2 percent would be $6.) Why is this?

To see what is involved, let’s subtract the spot rate S from both sides of the above equation. The left- hand side will be the forward premium F(T) – S. Simplifying the right-hand side, we obtain:

F(T) - S = S [( r - r*)( T/360)] / [1 + r* (T/360)]. 

That is, the forward premium (F(T)-S) is approximately equal to the spot rate S multiplied by the difference between the eurdollar rate r and the gold lease rate r* (once we have adjusted this rate for the fraction of a year: T/360).

Since in the numerical example the eurodollar rate was 6 percent, while the least rate was 2 percent, the forward premium at an annual rate is approximately 6-2 = 4 percent. For 180 days, or half a year, it is approximately 2 percent.

So, as long as we are talking about an annual rate- -that is, before we do the days adjustment–the gold forward premium in percentage terms is approximately the difference between the eurodollar rate and the gold lease rate.

We can view this same relationship in other ways: given a eurodollar rate and a gold forward premium (in percentage terms), we can back out the implied lease rate.

Looking back at the chart from Kitco, above, it is easy to see that subtracting the gold lease rate from the “prime rate” gives us approximately the gold forward rate. (Note that “prime rate” is a misleading term to use: the relevant interest rate in the gold market is the eurodollar rate by which banks borrow and lend among themselves, not the commercial “prime” lending rate–which is often an administered, rather than a market, interest rate.)

Gold forward rates are sometimes referred to as “GOFO” rates, because GOFO was the Reuters page that showed gold forward rates.
Gold Swaps

There are many different hedging and trading operations in the gold market, all of which bring us back to the same relationship between forward and spot rates we saw in the previous section.

For example, gold dealers will buy gold forward from mining companies. The mining companies, thus assured of a fixed forward price at which to sell their production, go to work producing. Meanwhile, the gold dealers, to hedge themselves against movements in the gold price, borrow gold and sell it in the spot market. (To repeat, dealers “borrow” gold by taking in gold deposits, and paying out the gold lease rate.)

Restated, gold dealers buy gold forward from mining companies at a price F(T). To hedge themselves, the dealers borrow gold at an interest rate r*, and sell it in the market at a price S. They earn interest on the dollar proceeds of the spot gold sale at an interest rate r.

Thus, for each ounce of gold purchased, the dealer must pay

F(T) [1+ r* (T/360) ] . 

While for each ounce of gold sold, the dealer earns:

S [1 + r (T/360)]. 

All excess profit (beyond bid-asked spread) gets eliminated when these amounts are equal. Which gives

F(T) [1+ r* (T/360) ] = S [1 + r (T/360)] . 

This is, of course, exactly the same formula as before.

Generally speaking, gold dealers will quote forward prices to their customers (these are called “outright” forwards), but forward trades beween dealers mostly take place in connection with a simultaneous spot transaction. That is, in the form of “swaps.” A swap transaction is a spot sale of gold combined with a forward repurchase, or a spot purchase of gold combined with a forward sale. This type of trading requires less capital and is subject to less price risk. The swap rate is F(T)-S, and as we saw before, this difference is (when quoted as a percentage of the spot price) essentially the difference between the eurodollar rate and the gold lease rate.

A spot sale of gold combined with a forward purchase is also called a cash-and-carry transaction. The transaction provides immediate cash, the cost of which is the carry, or the difference between forward and spot rates. The dollar lender (who buys the gold), meanwhile has possession of the gold as security. So a cash-and-carry (one form of a swap) boils down to a dollar loan collateralized with gold.

The typical dealing spread between eurodollar deposits is 1/8 of 1 percent, or .125 percent, while the typical spread between gold deposit and loan rates is .20 percent. This translates into bid-asked swap rate, or cash-and-carry, spreads of about .30 percent. For example:

Eurodollar rates    Gold lease rates    Gold swap rates

1 month 3.0625-3.1875 0.50-0.70 2.35-2.65
3 months 3.1250-3.2500 0.55-0.75 2.40-2.70
6 months 3.3125-3.4375 0.70-0.90 2.45-2.75
12 months 3.5625-3.6875 1.00-1.20 2.35-2.65

Note that the gold swap rate can be independently viewed as the collateralized borrowing rate. A small central bank, for example, with plenty of gold to spare, could borrow dollars for 3 months and pay–not the 3-month asked eurodollar rate of 3.25 percent–but rather the gold swap rate of 2.70 percent.

(to be continued)

This article appeared in Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 2, No 19.
Web Page: http://www.aci.net/kalliste/

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Posted on

The Gold Market, Part 2

The Gold Market
Part 2
by J. Orlin Grabbe

A few years ago I came across a copy of a speech by a well-known economist who was purporting to advise the government of Russia what they should to do stabilize the Russian money supply. The speech recommended they should “buy and sell gold on the London Metal Exchange.” Which made about as much sense as recommending that Hillary Clinton enhance her income by buying and selling cattle futures at the NYMEX.

Cattle futures aren’t traded at the NYMEX, and gold isn’t traded at the London Metal Exchange.

The London Bullion Market Association

The center of world gold trading is London, and the center of London gold and silver trading is the London Bullion Market, operated by the London Bullion Market Association (LBMA). Members are classified into market making members, which include all of the participants in the twice-daily London gold fix described in Part 1, as well as other bullion houses (for a total of 14), and ordinary members, of which there are about 50. Most bullion houses act both as brokers for customers, and as primary dealers who hold positions of their own in order to profit from the bid/asked spread or from equilibrium price movements.

Market makers are obligated to make two-way prices (that is, for both buying and selling) throughout the day. Ordinary dealers will usually quote prices to their own clients, but have no obligation to make two-way markets or to quote to other dealers.


The fixing of the gold price starts at 10:30 a.m. in the morning (and lasts until a single price representing temporary equilibrium between supply and demand is found, usually a few minutes later), and again at 3:00 p.m. in the afternoon. (A silver price fixing takes place beginning at 12 noon.) During these time periods the fix is the principal focus of trading, but trading by the same firms occurs before and after the fix, and indeed gold trades around the world for almost 24 hours a day. The time overlaps between various trading centers can be seen in the daily gold price chart above from Kitco.

Most gold trading around the world takes place “loco London”, meaning the gold is sold for delivery in London.

The London Good Delivery Bar

The LMBA sets down standards for gold bars that can be accepted for “good delivery.” The London good delivery bar is a benchmark standard for spot (or physical) gold transactions. The requirements are:

Weight: 350-430 fine troy ounces
Fineness: minimum 995 parts per 1000 fine gold
Assayers/Melters Stamp: any approved by the LMBA
Obligatory Marks: a serial number and fineness, along
with an assayer and melter stamp of
weight to within .025 troy ounces
Appearance: must be of good appearance, free from
cavities, and easy to handle and stack
Delivery: usually takes place at one of the London
bullion clearing houses

Price quotations in the spot market are usually expressed in U.S. dollars, and are quoted as the price per fine troy ounce, such as:

$292.50-$292.80/oz

Here the bid or buying price is $292.50 per fine troy ounce, and the asked or selling price is $292.80 per fine troy ounce. Spot delivery will take place in terms of London good delivery bars on the spot date, which is the second working day after the trade date.

Although the price is quoted in dollars per ounce, all trades must take place in terms of so many gold bars, because physical delivery must take place in whole multiples of gold bars. The standard amount for a dealer spot price quotation is ten 400 oz. bars, or 4000 ozs. of gold. Thus if one purchased the standard amount at the dealer’s asked rate listed above, one would pay:

10 x 400 x $292.80 = $1,171,200

in two working days to the seller, and receive in return 4000 ozs. of gold at one of the bullion clearing houses.

London Clearing Houses

A buillion clearing house nets out gold transactions, much as banks do in trading foreign exchange. Only the net difference between total purchases and total sales vis-a-vis a counterparty is actually transferred. But a bullion clearing bank may take physical delivery of bullion, whereas a foreign exchange clearing bank only takes delivery of foreign exchange in the form of accounting entries (a checking balance at some foreign bank).

LMBA clearing houses include the Bank of England, the five dealers at the gold fixing, and a few other houses whose identities have varied from time to time. The number of clearing members is smaller than the number of market making members (8 versus 14), because the financial and other requirements are much stricter for clearing members.

The volume of precious metals cleared by the members of the LBMA has traditionally been kept confidential, but in January 1997 the LBMA released figures for the final (December) quarter of 1996. The average daily volume cleared between the (then) 14 market making members of the LBMA was approximately 933 tons (about $10 billion at prices then current), compared with annual global mine production of approximately 2,300 tons. That is, an amount equal to total annual gold production was cleared every 2.5 days. (The total amount of silver cleared daily was approximately 7,775 tons.)

Of course, because most gold is traded loco London, these clearing figures represent the result of worldwide gold trading, not just trading in London. Of the 933 tons cleared daily, it was estimated that about 218 tons represented London trades, while of the 7,775 tons of silver cleared daily, about 3,732 tons represented London trades.

Gold accounts at a bullion house may be allocated or unallocated. The unallocated account is most typical. One holds on deposit a specific number of ounces of gold, but these ounces of gold are not identified with any individual physical gold bars. These unallocated accounts may or may not bear interest, and may or may not have insurance and storage charges. All clearing accounts are unallocated accounts, and contain identical (hypothetical) 400 oz. bars.

Most gold trading takes place by paper transfers between unallocated accounts. Bookkeeping entries avoid the transactions costs and security risks of moving the actual metal. Traders clear their trades with one another through book entry transfers in or out of accounts at one or more clearing members, while clearing members clear their net trades with one another through their gold accounts at the Bank of England, as well as by physical gold transfers.

Allocated accounts, by contrast, contain individual gold bars with given serial numbers. In effect, allocated accounts are safe-keeping or custody accounts. Such accounts do not bear interest, are normally subject to charges, and may not be used as clearing accounts.

Transactions at the Fix

The London daily price fixings allow everyone to deal on equal terms, and large volumes to be transacted at a single price. In addition, the price is widely publicized, so it is undisputed. Once a price has been found such that net gold for sale (in 5 bar denominations–i.e., units of 2000 oz.) is equal to net gold for purchase, transactions then take place according to the following formula.

A seller on the fix receives the fixing price plus $.05 per ounce of gold (fix+.05). A buyer on the fix pays the fixing price plus $.25 per ounce of gold (fix+.25). This is equivalent to a market bid price of fix+.05, and a market asked price of fix+.25, for a total spread of $.20. This spread is narrower than the normal dealing spread, which is typically $.30 or higher.

Fixing orders may be placed in various ways.

Example 1: A market order. A client leaves an order to sell 20,000 ozs. at the PM fix.

Example 2: A price limit order. The client places an order to buy 25,000 ozs. at the AM fix, if the fixing price is at or lower than $290/oz.

Example 3: An average rate order. A client places at order to buy 10,000 ozs. at the average of the AM fixing price for July 1998. (Simple question in risk management: How will the firm manage this order?)

Example 4: Dynamic order. The client stays on the horn, listening to the fixing commentary, and changes his order according to the new fixing price being tried

(to be continued)

This article appeared in Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 2, No 18.
Web Page: http://www.aci.net/kalliste/

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Posted on

The Gold Market, Part 1

The Gold Market
Part 1
by J. Orlin Grabbe

The gold market is a unique 24-hour-a-day market for the purchase or sale of one of history’s longest-valued commodities. What gives the market its special character is the use of gold simultaneously as industrial commodity, as decoration (jewelry), and as a monetary asset. To understand the gold market, it is important to understand the latter function. Because gold has often formed a component of the local money supply, its history is intertwined with national and central bank politics.

Gold as Money

Gold is only one of many commodities that over the years have served as money–as a medium of exchange–in international trade and financial transactions. Such commodities have frequently varied. In many local communities (including nation-states), the most widely used commodity, or the product most traded with outsiders, has often functioned as money. In the Oregon territory from 1830 to 1840, for example, beaver skins were a customary medium of exchange. Then, as the population shifted from fur trapping to farming, wheat became the chief form of money, and from 1840 to 1848 promissory notes were made payable in so many bushels of wheat. Later, with the California gold discoveries in 1848, the Oregon legislature repealed the law making wheat legal tender, and proclaimed that thereafter only gold and silver were to be used to settle taxes and debts. For similar reasons, tobacco long served as the principal currency in Virginia. When the Virginia Company imported 150 “young and uncorrupt girls” as wives for the settlers in 1620 and 1621, the price per wife was initially 100 pounds of tobacco–later climbing to 150 pounds.

Only a few currencies, however, have had long-run durability as well as multi-territorial acceptability. Silver and gold are two of these. Roughly speaking, from the time of Columbus’ discovery of America in 1492 to the California gold discovery in 1848, silver dominated in common circulation in America and Europe, while gold came into dominance following the Californian and Australian gold discoveries (see Chapter 8 in J. Laurence, The History of Bimetallism in the United States, D. Appleton and Company, 1901). Under the rule of the British Empire, the British pound sterling and the gold standard were adopted in much of the world. Toward the end of World War Two, the U.S. dollar and gold became the principal international reserve assets under the Bretton Woods agreement–a market position the U.S. dollar and gold have maintained despite the de facto dissolution of that system in the early 1970s.

The Post-WW2 Politics of Gold

Under the Bretton Woods Agreement forged at the Mt. Washington Hotel in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire in 1944, each member of the newly created International Monetary Fund (IMF) agreed to establish a par value for its currency, and to maintain the exchange rate for its currency within 1 percent of par value. In practice, since the principal reserve currency would be the U.S. dollar, this meant that other countries would peg their currencies to the U.S. dollar, and–once convertibility was restored–would buy and sell U.S. dollars to keep market exchange rates within the 1 percent band around par value. The United States, meanwhile, separately agreed to buy gold from or sell gold to foreign official monetary authorities at $35 per ounce in settlement of international financial transactions. The U.S. dollar was thus pegged to gold, and any other currency pegged to the dollar was indirectly pegged to gold at a price determined by its par value.

What does it mean to fix the price (the exchange value) of a currency or a commodity like gold? If no trading other than with official authorities is allowed (as when something is “inconvertible”), then fixing the price is easy. The central bank or exchange authority simply says the price is “X” and no one can say differently. If you want to trade gold for dollars, you have to deal with the central bank, and you have to trade at central bank prices. The central bank may in fact even refuse to trade with you, but it can still maintain the lawyerly notion that the exchange rate is “fixed.” (Such a refusal, of course, will only lead to black market trading outside official channels.) If, however, free trade is allowed, fixing the price requires a great deal more. The price can be fixed only by altering either the supply of or the demand for the asset. For example, if you wanted to fix the price of gold at $35 per ounce, you could only do so by being willing and able to supply unlimited amounts of gold to the market to drive the price back down to $35 per ounce whenever there would otherwise be excess demand at that price, or to purchase unlimited amounts of gold from the market to drive the price back up to $35 per ounce whenever there would otherwise be excess supply at that price.

In order to peg the price of gold you would thus need two things: a large stock of gold to supply to the market whenever there is a tendency for the market price of gold to go up, and a large stock of dollars with which to purchase gold whenever there is a tendency for the market price of gold to go down. No problem. The U.S. had plenty of gold–about 60 percent of the world’s stock. And, naturally, it also had plenty of dollars, which could be created with the stroke of a pen.

After the Bretton Woods Agreement, the price of gold remained uncontroversial for the next decade. But around 1960 the private market price of gold began to show a persistant tendency to rise above its official price of $35/ounce. So, in the fall of 1960, the United States joined with the central banks of the Common Market countries as well as with Great Britain and Switzerland to intervene in the private market for gold. If the private market price did not rise above $35 per ounce, it was felt, the Bretton Woods price was de facto the correct price, and in addition no one could complain if dollars were not exchangeable for gold. This coordinated intervention, which involved maintaining the gold price within a narrow range around $35 per ounce, became formalized a year later as the gold pool. Since London was the center of world gold trading, the pool was managed by the Bank of England, which intervened in the private market via the daily gold price fixing at N. M. Rothschild.

The London Gold Fixing

In its current form, the London gold price fixing takes place twice each business day, at 10:30 A.M. and 3:00 P.M. in the “fixing room” of the merchant banking firm of N. M. Rothschild. Five individuals, one each from five major gold-trading firms, are involved in the fixing. The firms represented are Mocatta & Goldsmid, a trading arm of Standard Chartered Bank; Sharps Pixley, a dealer owned by Deutsche Bank; N. M. Rothschild & Sons, whose representative acts as the auctioneer; Republic-Mase, a bullion subsidiary of Republic Bank; and Samuel Montagu, a merchant banking subsidiary of Midland Bank (owned by HSBC). Each representative at the fixing keeps an open phone line to his firm’s trading room. Each trading room in turn has buy and sell orders, at various prices, from customers located all over the world. In addition, there are customers with no existing buy or sell orders who keep an open line to a trading room in touch with the fixing and who may decide to buy or sell depending on what price is announced. The N. M. Rothschild representative announces a price at which trading will begin. Each of the five individuals then confers with his trading room, and the trading room tallies up supply and demand–in terms of 400-ounce bars– from orders originating around the world. In a few minutes, each firm has determined if it is a net buyer or seller of gold. If there is excess supply or demand a new price is announced, but no orders are filled until an equilibrium price is determined. The equilibrium price, at which supply equals demand, is referred to as the “fixing price.” The A.M. and P.M. fixing prices are published daily in major newspapers.

Even though immediately before and after a fixing gold trading will continue at prices that may vary from the fixing price, the fixing price is an important benchmark in the gold market because much of the daily trading volume goes through at the fixing price. Hence some central banks value their gold at an average of daily fixing prices, and industrial customers often have contracts with their suppliers written in terms of the fixing price. Since a fixing price represents temporary equilibrium for a large volume of trading, it may be subject to less “noise” than are trading prices at other times of the day. Usually the equilibrium fixing price is found rapidly, but sometimes it takes twenty to thirty tries. Once in October 1979, with supply and demand fluctuating rapidly from moment to moment, the afternoon fixing in London lasted an hour and thirty-nine minutes.

The practice of fixing the gold price began in 1919. It continued until 1939, when the London gold market was closed as a result of war. The market was reopened in 1954. When the central bank gold pool began officially in 1961, the Bank of England–as agent for the pool–maintained an open phone line with N. M. Rothschild during the morning fixing (there was as yet no afternoon fixing). If it appeared that a fixing price would be established that was above $35.20 or below $34.80, the Bank of England (as agent) became a seller or buyer of gold in an amount sufficient to ensure that the fixing price remained within the prescribed bands.

Gold and European Union

While the gold pool held down the private market price of gold, gold politics took a new turn in the international arena. This was related to the fact that European countries, which had complained of a “dollar shortage” in the 1950s, where now complaining of a “dollar glut.” They were accumulating too many dollar reserves. Although it was actually Germany that was running the greatest surplus and accumulating the most dollar reserves in the early 1960s, it was France under the leadership of Charles de Gaulle that made the most noise about it. During World War II, in conversations with Jean Monnet, de Gaulle had supported the notion of a united Europe–but a Europe, he insisted, under the leadership of France. After the war, France had opposed the American plan for German rearmament even in the context of European defense. France had been induced to agree, however, through Marshall Plan aid, which France was not inclined to refuse after it became embroiled in the Indo-China War. But now, in the 1960s, de Gaulle’s vision of France as a leading world power led him to withdraw from NATO because NATO was a U.S.-dominated military alliance. It also led him to oppose Bretton Woods, because the international monetary system was organized with the U.S. dollar as a reserve currency.

In the early 1960s there was, however, no realistic alternative to the dollar as a reserve asset, if one wanted to keep reserves in a form that both would bear interest and could be traded internationally. Official dollar-reserve holders not only were made exempt from the interest ceilings of the Federal Reserve’s Regulation Q for their deposits in New York but also began as a regular practice to hold dollars in the eurodollar market–a free market where interest rates found their own level. Prior to 1965, central banks were the largest suppliers of dollars to the euromarket. Thus dollar reserve holders received a competitive return on their dollar assets, and the United States gained no special benefit from the use of the dollar as a reserve asset.

Nevertheless, de Gaulle’s stance on gold made domestic political sense, and in February 1965, in a well-publicized speech, he said: “We hold as necessary that international exchange be established . . . on an indisputable monetary base that does not carry the mark of any particular country. What base? In truth, one does not see how in this respect it can have any criterion, any standard, other than gold. Eh! Yes, gold, which does not change in nature, which is made indifferently into bars, ingots and coins, which does not have any nationality, which is held eternally and universally. . . .” By the “mark of any particular country” he had in mind the United States, which announced the Foreign Credit Restraint Program about a week later, in part as a direct response to de Gaulle’s speech. France stepped up its purchases of gold from the U.S. Treasury and in June 1967, when the Arab-Israeli Six-Day War led to a large increase in the demand for gold, withdrew from the gold pool.

The Two-Tier System

Then in November 1967, the British pound sterling was devalued from its par value of $2.80 to $2.40. Those holding sterling reserves took a 14.3 percent capital loss in dollar terms. This raised the question of the exchange rate of the other reserve assets: if the dollar was to be devalued with respect to gold, a capital gain in dollar terms could be made by holding gold. Therefore demand for gold rose and, as it did, gold pool sales in the private market to hold down the price were so large that month that the U.S. Air Force made an emergency airlift of gold from Fort Knox to London, and the floor of the weighing room at the Bank of England collapsed from the accumulated tonnage of gold bars.

In March 1968, the effort to control the private market price of gold was abandoned. A two-tier system began: official transactions in gold were insulated from the free market price. Central banks would trade gold among themselves at $35 per ounce but would not trade with the private market. The private market could trade at the equilibrium market price and there would be no official intervention. The price immediately jumped to $43 per ounce, but by the end of 1969 it was back at $35. The two-tier system would be abandoned in November 1973, after the emergence of floating exchange rates and the de facto dissolution of the Bretton Woods agreement. By then the price had reached $100 per ounce.

When the gold pool was disbanded and the two-tier system began in March 1968, there was a two-week period during which the London gold market was forceably closed by British authorities. A number of important changes took place during those two weeks. South Africa as a country was the single largest supplier of gold and had for years marketed the sale of its gold through London, with the Bank of England acting as agent for the South African Reserve Bank. With the breakdown of the gold pool, South Africa was no longer assured of steady central bank demand, and–with the London market temporarily closed–the three major Swiss banks (Swiss Bank Corporation, Swiss Credit Bank, and Union Bank of Switzerland) formed their own gold pool and persuaded South Africa to market through Zurich.

In 1972, the second major country supplier of gold, the Soviet Union, also began to market through Zurich. In 1921, V. I. Lenin had written, “sell [gold] at the highest price, buy goods with it at the lowest price.” Since the Soviet ruble was not convertible, the Soviet Union used gold sales as one major source of its earnings of Western currencies, and in the 1950s and 1960s sold gold through the Moscow Narodny in London (a bank that had also provided dollar cover for the Soviets during the early days of the Cold War). In Zurich, the Soviet Union dealt gold via the Wozchod Handelsbank, a subsidiary of the Soviet Foreign Trade Bank, the Vneshtorgbank. (In March 1985, the Soviet Union announced that the Wozchod would be closed because of gold-trading losses and would be replaced with a branch office of the Vneshtorgbank. The branch office, unlike the Wozchod, would not be required to publish information concerning operations.)

London, in order to stay competitive, subsequently turned itself more into a gold-trading center than a distribution center. When the London market reopened in March 1968 after the two-week “holiday,” a second daily fixing (the 3:00 P.M. fixing) was added in order to overlap with U.S. trading hours, and the fixing price was switched to U.S. dollar terms from pound sterling terms. But by the 1980s, London’s new role as a trading center had begun to be challenged by the Comex gold futures market in New York.

The SDR as “Paper Gold”

During the early years of the gold pool, it came to be believed that there was a deficiency of international reserves and that more reserves had to be created by legal fiat to enable reserve-holders to diversify out of the U.S. dollar and gold. In retrospect, this was a curious view of the world. The form in which reserves are held will ultimately always be determined on the basis of international competition. People will hold their wealth in the form of a particular asset only if they want to. If they do not have an economic incentive to desire a particular asset, no legal document will alter that fact. A particular currency will be attractive as a reserve asset if these four criteria exist: (1) an absence of exchange controls so people can spend, transfer, or exchange their reserves denominated in that currency when and where they want them; (2) an absence of applicable credit controls and taxes that would prevent assets denominated in the currency from bearing a competitive rate of return relative to other available assets; (3) political stability, in the sense that there is a lack of substantial risk that points (1) and (2) will change within or between government regimes; (4) a currency that is in sufficient use internationally to limit the costs of making transactions. These four points explain why, for example, the Swiss but not the French franc has been traditionally used as an international reserve asset.

Many felt that formal agreement on a new international reserve asset was nevertheless needed, if only to reduce political tension. And while France wanted to replace the dollar as a reserve asset, other nations were looking instead for a replacement for gold. The decision was made by the Group of Ten (ten OECD nations with most of the voting rights in the IMF) to create an artificial reserve asset that would be traded among central banks in settlement of reserves. The asset would be kept on the books of the IMF and would be called a Special Drawing Right (SDR). In fact it was a new reserve asset, a type of artificial or “paper gold,” but it was called a drawing right by concession to the French, who did not want it called a reserve asset.

The SDR was approved in July 1969, and the first “allocation” (creation) of SDRs was made in January l970. Overnight, countries gained more reserves at the IMF, because the IMF added new numbers to its accounts and called these numbers SDRs. The timing of the allocation was especially maladroit. In the previous four years the United States had been in the process of financing the Great Society domestic social programs of the Johnson administration as well as a war in Vietnam, and the world was being flooded with more reserves than it wanted at the going price of dollars for deutschemarks, yen, or gold. In the 1965 Economic Report of the President, Johnson wrote, in reference to his Great Society Program and the Vietnam War: “The Federal Reserve must be free to accommodate the expansion in 1965 and the years beyond 1965.” U.S. money supply (M1) growth, which had averaged 2.2 percent per year during the 1950s, inched upward slightly during the Kennedy years (2.9 percent per year for 1961- 1963) but changed materially under the Johnson administration. The growth rate of M1 averaged 4.6 percent per year over 1964-1967, then rose to 7.7 percent in 1968. Under the Nixon administration that followed, money growth initially slowed to 3.2 percent in 1969 and 5.2 percent in 1970, then accelerated to 7.1 percent for 1971-1973. The latter three years would encompass the breakdown of Bretton Woods, and would also have a material effect on the price of gold.

How Foreign Exchange Intervention Affects the Money Supply

In order to succeed, a regime of fixed exchange rates (and under Bretton Woods, rates for the major currencies were fixed in terms of their par values, which could not be casually altered) requires coordinated economic policies, particularly monetary policies. If two different currencies trade at a fixed exchange rate and one currency is undervalued with respect to the other, the undervalued currency will be in excess demand. By the end of the 1960s both the deutschemark and the yen had become undervalued with respect to the U.S. dollar. Therefore the countries concerned (Germany and Japan) had two choices: either increase the supplies of their currencies to meet the excess demand or adjust the par values of their currencies upward enough to eliminate the excess demand.

As long as either country intervened in the market to maintain the par value of its currency with respect to the U.S. dollar, an increased supply of the domestic currency would take place automatically. To see why this is so, take the case of Germany. In order to keep the DM from increasing in value with respect to the U.S. dollar, the Bundesbank would have to intervene in the foreign exchange market to buy dollars. It would buy dollars by selling DM. The operation would increase the supply of DM in the market, driving down DM’s relative value, and increase the demand for the dollar, driving up the dollar’s relative value.

Any time the central bank intervenes in any market to buy or sell something, it potentially changes the domestic money supply. If the central bank buys foreign exchange, it does so by writing a check on itself–by giving credit to the seller. Central bank assets go up: the central bank now owns the foreign exchange. But central bank liabilities go up also, since the check represents a central bank liability. The seller of the foreign exchange or other asset will deposit the central bank’s check, in payment for the value of the assets, in an account at a commercial bank. The commercial bank will in turn deposit the check in its account at the central bank. The commercial bank will now have more reserves, in the form of a deposit at the central bank. The bank can use the reserves to make more loans, and the money supply will expand by a multiple of the initial reserve increase.

Is there anything the German authorities can do to prevent the money- supply increase? Essentially not, as long as they attempt to maintain the fixed exchange rate. There is, however, an operation referred to as sterilization. Sterilization refers to the practice of offsetting any impact on the monetary base caused by foreign exchange intervention, by making reverse transactions in terms of domestic assets (such as government bonds). For example, if the money base went up by DM4 billion because the central bank bought dollars in the foreign exchange market, a sterilization operation would involve selling DM4 billion worth of domestic assets to reduce central bank liabilities by an equal and offsetting amount. If the Bundesbank sold domestic assets, these would be paid for by checks drawn on the commercial banking system and reserves would disappear as the commercial banks’ checking accounts were debited at the central bank.

However, the Bundesbank could not simultaneously engage in complete sterilization (a complete offset) and also maintain the fixed exchange rate. If there was no change in the supply of DM, the DM would continue to be undervalued with respect to the dollar, and foreign exchange traders would continue to exchange dollars for DM. During the course of 1971, the Bundesbank intervened so much that the German high-powered money base would have increased by 42 percent from foreign exchange intervention alone. About half this increase was offset by sterilization, but, even so, the increase in the money base–and eventually the money supply–by more than 20 percent in one year was enormous by German standards. The breakdown of the Bretton Woods system began that year.

The Breakdown of Bretton Woods

It came about this way. From the end of World War II to about 1965, U.S. domestic monetary and fiscal policies were conducted in such a way as to be noninflationary. As world trade expanded during this period, the relative importance of Germany and Japan grew, so that by the end of the 1960s it was unreasonable to expect any system of international finance to endure without a consensus at least among the United States, Germany, and Japan. But after 1965, U.S. economic policy began to conflict with policies desired by Germany and Japan. In particular, the United States began a strong expansion, and moderate inflation, as a result of the Vietnam War and the Great Society program.

When it became obvious that the DM and yen were undervalued with respect to the dollar, the United States urged these two nations to revalue their currencies upward. Germany and Japan argued that the United States should revise its economic policy to be consistent with those in Germany and Japan as well as with previous U.S. policy. They wanted the United States to curb money- supply growth, tighten credit, and cut government spending. In the ensuing stalemate, the U.S. policy essentially followed the recommendations of a task force chaired by Gottfried Haberler. This was a policy of officially doing nothing and was commonly referred to as a policy of “benign neglect.” If Germany and Japan chose to intervene to maintain their chosen par values, so be it. They would be allowed to accumulate dollar reserves until such time as they decided to change the par values of their currencies. That was the only alternative if the United States would not willingly change its policy. It was clearly understood at the time that a unilateral action on the part of the United States to devalue the dollar by increasing the dollar price of gold would be matched by similar European devaluations.

In April 1971, the Bundesbank took in $3 billion through foreign exchange intervention. On May 4 it took in $1 billion in the course of the day. On May 5 the Bundesbank took in $1 billion during the first hour of trading, then suspended intervention in the foreign exchange market. The DM was allowed to float upward. On August 15 the U.S. president, Nixon, suspended the convertibility of the dollar into gold and announced a 10 percent tax on imports. The tax was temporary and was intended to signal the magnitude by which the United States thought the par values of the major European and Japanese currencies should be changed.

An attempt was made to keep the Bretton Woods system going by a revised agreement, the Smithsonian agreement, reached at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington on December 17-18, 1971. Called by President Nixon “the most important monetary agreement in the history of the world,” it lasted only slightly more than a year, but beyond the 1972 U.S. presidential election. At the Smithsonian Institution the Group of Ten agreed on a realignment of currencies, an increase in the official price of gold to $38 per ounce, and expanded exchange rate bands of 2.25 percent around their new par values.

Over the period February 5-9, 1973, history repeated itself, with the Bundesbank taking in $5 billion in foreign exchange intervention. On February 12, exchange markets were closed in Europe and Japan, and the United States announced a 10 percent devaluation of the dollar. European countries and Japan allowed their currencies to float and, over the next month, a de facto regime of floating exchange rates began. The floating rate system has persisted to the present, with none of the five most widely traded currencies (the dollar, the DM, the British pound, the Japanese yen, the Swiss franc) in any way officially fixed in exchange value with respect to the others. (Briefly, from October 1990 to September 1992, the DM and the British pound were nominally linked in the Exchange Rate Mechanism of the European Monetary System.) With the breakdown of Bretton Woods, there began a slow dismantling of the array of controls that had been erected in its name. This included gold.

As part of the Jamaica agreement in 1976 (which ludicrously proclaimed a “New International Economic Order”), IMF members agreed to demote the role of gold. But few central banks subsequently followed up this agreement in practice. One associated change that did come about, however, affected the private gold market in the United States. On January 2, 1975, after forty years of prohibition, U.S. citizens were allowed to purchase gold bullion legally. The Comex in New York subsequently became an important center for the trading of gold futures.

(to be continued)

This article appeared in Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 2, No 16.
Web Page: http://www.aci.net/kalliste/

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Cover Girl

Cover Girl
a story
by J. Orlin Grabbe

Manhattan had changed when I got back from the West Coast. The heat had suddenly dissipated, getting ready for fall, and an occasional breeze found its way down Second Avenue. The post-summer pickup had brought with it a patina of melancholy and a longing for revision and transcendence.

I had presciently, if innocently, removed Salomon Brothers from the cover of my textbook on international finance. Their trading room had adorned the first edition, and the second–with its gentler, though not adactylous, cover–was just making its presence known along Park Avenue and Wall Street when whispers of indiscretion in the auction of government bonds turned to headline hurly-burly. “So what’s the story of the girl?” a woman trader of foreign exchange in one of the local banks asked a friend of mine, studying the new cover with a female critical eye. “Is she his girlfriend, or what?”

There really was no story, other than I liked the photograph of the involved, attractive lady standing in a chaotic sea of computer and display terminals, a slightly out-of-focus shot which gave the surrounding room a yellowed air of late night smoke, as if manned by muted traders who filled in forex tickets and softly called out, Where’s your Swissie?, while sipping Buds and chalking cue sticks around a pool table.

I had, to be sure, alleged that the cover’s real purpose was to bug the Japanese (with whom the book was especially popular), to administer visual cognitive dissonance at the level of bank training programs, it being a private hypothesis of my own that the work environment segregation of sexes provided the underlying passion for the consumption of whiskey in such surprisingly copious quantities in financial areas of Tokyo. Those of that occupation could afford it, it was true, and, true, there was no social stigma attached to public drunkenness, but it was also true, I felt, that the hostess bars, arenas of social flirtation with strictly delimited rules, provided a poor substitute for the ever-present potential of sober or intoxicated fornication with a co-worker of equal and opposite sex, such as enjoyed in the rest of the world. My own forays into inebriation in that same environment had, of course, stemmed from another source entirely: namely, my protracted inability to supply even genus classification to the flora or fauna my chopsticks found floating in the iron pots of the ten- course meals graciously provided by respectful hosts, which inevitably lead to more whiskey while tests of identification were made, waiting for the olfactory and gustatory analysts to return with the recurring and reassuring message that it all tasted like Jameson.

This I explained to my friend, as we sat in my apartment in the safer, if less cozy, culinary environs of Manhattan, whereupon he countered with an overly inquisitive, but crushingly devastating, “What’s her name?”

I shamefully confessed I did not know.

I, who had aspired to broad, but detailed knowledge of my field, to the esoterica of cross- currency swaps, lookback options, and Rembrandt bonds, to the history of the European Monetary System and the politics of the IMF, could not make delivery of the first name, much less phone number, marital status, and investment habits of this elusive siren who enticed passing readers to direct their course toward the Scylla and Charybdis of divergence indicators and exchange for physicals. No, I thought later, after the departure of my friend and only a small taste of Jameson, as I studied the once familiar, but now increasingly mysterious photograph, this lady does not merely grace the cover, she does so with faith and long- suffering, bearing the good news to those fallen from the law, that they may be fructified in good works, and it would behoove one to girt loins, shod feet, grasp sword, and set forth to make known her mystery.

“We had a general cut-back, and she wasn’t considered essential personnel,” relayed a voice from the swap sales group. “You’re saying she’s gone,” I deduced. “Gone, departed, flown away, swapped out for a Korean programmer to work on back office.” She was lost but her name, Helena Maria Rachael Cirius, was found. What kind of name was that? I wondered, thinking Helena could be Greek; Maria, Spanish; Rachael, Jewish or Southern; and Cirius, well, are you serious? Clearly, not much was to be learned in the genealogical realm, there being, after all, certain men and women who made professional careers out of naming babies in an excessively creative and Gothicly ornate fashion; and, at any rate, the vision of Greek captives carried into Spain with the Moslem invasion, who had then married among Sephardic Jews, the offspring of which became marranos in the inquisitional persecution of 1492, and years afterward set off for New Spain, their ships guided by the dog-star Sirius, was too improbable to be given serious consideration. On the other hand, there was only one Cirius, HMR, listed in the White Pages, which prompted a quick call to the accompanying number, and yielded the annoying and disappointing information, delivered in an acoustically offensive voice, that such did not exist in this area code, which left only an intriguing, if disquieting, street address in the East Village. That she had moved was a possibility more likely than a simple, but fatal, fatigue of phone calls, or peremptory action on the part of New York Telephone, so it appeared the remaining, necessarily corporeal, course was to conduct personal interviews among those undoubted Vandals and Visigoths, whom the naive and excessively polite often grouped under the more affectionate euphemism, Neighbors.

A week later, having put my affairs in order and arranged for time off work, I made the long trek down Second Avenue to the East Village. In other rare forays into the forbidden zone, I had found the relentless energy and the hideous but somehow grotesquely magnetic caricature of ordinary life as terrifying as the stench of death and as invigorating as the smell of moist pudenda. On this occasion, however, a restless coolness was in the streets, an icy intimidation and sense of foreboding which melted off the metal bars surrounding Tompkins Park and flowed out into the streets to be picked up and spread by passing automobiles.

She had lived on Avenue B: a boundary, a border, a frontier, which, were it to separate Texas and Mexico, would be termed el poso del mundo, but in the present case was, perhaps, more properly designated as el mundo de los posos. The gentleman drinking out of the brown paper sack was already tilting beyond the zenith of gravity’s rainbow, and it was only coincidence that he fell forward on his face, muttering, “My name is Snake, stay outa my way, I’ll bite you good,” as I approached the siren’s erstwhile apartment entrance. Carefully watching my ankles, I looked over the somewhat legible names posted beside the rusty metal door. Helena Maria was not among them, and after pushing each of the four buzzers, one by one, to no observable effect, and making a careful survey of the customs of the block, I entered a nearby convenience store, purchased a can of Budweiser, and sat down against a wall which proclaimed It’s not over hasta el finito to await promising building traffic.

“No biting,” I admonished Snake, who had decided to join me in my repose, and he looked at me scornfully, if blearily, and waved his arm toward the street, intoning, “Those that be bitten be dead,” after which there was little need for further conversation. Daylight was rolling into shadows before a scurrying figure, a waif of a girl toting knapsack and rolled poster made a sudden darting assault on the door with a shiny key.

“Excuse me,” I said, springing up, “I’m an acquaintance of the fair Helena Maria Rachael Cirius, and I was wondering if she had perhaps changed her domicile, and if you knew her, or could tell me where she had gone.”

“Yeah, I knew her and she moved. Try the Mars Bar,” she said, slamming the door behind her. “The Mars Bar?” I asked Snake. “Ain’t no Milky Way,” he observed unhelpfully. Well, what you seek, you find, was a law of the universe I often relied upon in the course of research, knowing that the seriousness of intent caused books containing relevant information to fall off library shelves into one’s path, and total strangers to converse on helpful topics at adjoining restaurant tables; so it was that over the next three or four days (it is difficult to be precise), during which I afforded myself the musical luxury of every selection on the Mars Bar jukebox, I also traversed the streets of the East Village, beginning at 14th and Fourth Avenue, working my way down to Avenue B, then back up 13th Street to Fourth, and so on to 1st Street, a process that terminated at the Mars Bar, whereupon I would return along Bowery and Fourth to start the process all over again, expecting at any moment she would come blasting out of a doorway, bearing, perhaps in a plain brown wrapper, perhaps in an autumnal kaleidoscope, an itemized index to the secrets of the universe.

Sometimes in this or that place, upon inquiry as to occupation, I would explain that as Odysseus sought the Golden Fleece, so did I seek the most beguiling of the Helens, and I would produce the book with her picture from the rucksack, and expound on her virtues while the inquirer flipped through the text, read the title, and eyed my torn jeans and faded T-shirt, and often, with surprising humanity, bought me a drink and attempted to direct my attention to some other maiden across the room, or to reassure me the book would bring a dollar down at the flea market. Hours flowed into days, days into nights, and nights into almost places where each waitress was almost an actress, and each bartender almost a poet or a composer. As is often the case, the end was contained in the beginning, for I finally found her in the wee hours of the morning as I wearily collapsed onto a Mars Bar stool next to the Neo- Thulite, the Sound Man, and the Chef, as well as others with whom I had not broken brew.

And there she was, sipping cranberry juice and vodka.

“This is you,” I said, showing her the girl on the cover. “No, that’s me,” she replied, pointing to the skull on the wall with the mousetrap nailed to its forehead. “I’ve just lost my job and my boyfriend, in that order.”

Some of the fatigue departed in a burst of Schadenfreude. “How very tragic,” I said. “About the job, I mean.”

She looked me over. “Where did you get this?”

“I am the author.”

“And I’m the mother of God,” she responded in a tone that did not incline one to dispute it.

I tried a change of tack. “It’s okay. I would never judge a cover girl by her book,” I said.

“I was definitely a gypsy in yaksha-yuppie clothing.”

A moment of silence while Lou Reed invited us to take a walk on the wild side.

“What are we to do, now that we have discovered low finance?” I asked. “Is this the bar at the end of the universe? The new world order? Skull and bones and applied principles of rat psychology?”

“The gift of penetrating vision is denied to the uninitiated,” she responded. “It is first necessary to undergo symbolic death and resurrection, to cast off the old creature, and to make room for the new.”

“Another drink?”

“I had in mind something more dramatic, like an auto-da-fe of my image and your alleged oeuvre.”

We walked hand-in-hand to 5th Street, to her walk- up apartment, where we opened a bottle of wine, and carefully laid the book on a cross-thatch of phosphorous matches in a baking tin. We shared a glass, and uttered silent prayers, and ignited one corner.

The flames hovered around the edges of the book, until the outer pages began to curl and roll up one by one, slowly turning to ashes like years of the past decade. I was burning up inside, and removed my clothes and lay on the futon, the sweat running off my forehead and shoulders and thighs.

And we stayed like that, for a while, staring into the dying flames, while the shadows crept back around us, and the late-night chill reentered the air, and the passing footsteps became the muffled sound of leaves scattered by the wind. And then she stood to remove her own clothing, and to sigh, and to shake out her hair.

“As of yet there’s no sign of life,” she said, listlessly straddling the corpse. And I realized, then, that I had failed to detect the slow fading of her visage.

from The Laissez Faire City Times, November 1997

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Hackers vs. Politicians, Part 2

Hackers vs. Politicians, Part II
by J. Orlin Grabbe

Politicians are those annoying people who–drink in hand–can stare at a uuencoded file for hours, fall into a sexual reverie involving ASCII entities, and then weave their way to the nearest TV camera to pontificate about pornography on the Internet.

But, you ask, if they are so dumb, why are they so rich? Sometimes the latter is a mystery, reminiscent of the miracle of the loaves and the fishes.

Take the case of a man who can hardly pay his bills, but who gets elected to national political office and goes off to Washington for a few years. Then–lo and behold!–on his simple politician’s salary, he suddenly manages to maintain two fine homes, one inside the beltway in Chevy Chase and another in his home town community of Rat’s Ass, to purchase new cars for his wife and himself, to accumulate lakefront property in a neighboring county, and to stash away a nice sum of cash in a foreign bank account.

If the “simple politician’s salary” bit sounds improbable, it probably is. Let’s face it: many politicians are on the take. They may have hidden sources of income involving illegal payoffs from corporations, lobbying groups, or individuals. Are you a student? Then you will be proud to know that educational commissions and associations are also a hot new conduit for political bribes.

This article suggests a few basic procedures for finding out whether that special politician you have in mind is getting more on the side than ASCII sex. Honest politicians, of course, will have nothing to fear from any of the following.

Is what I am about to do legal? you ask. Of course it is. To reassure yourself, pull out your world-wide web browser and take a peak at one of the many data service companies, say Insights, Inc. (located at http://isis.iah.com/insights/background/). They promise, using only an individual or business name and/or address, to provide sufficient information for:

Preparing Due Diligence Reports
Locating People or Businesses
Exposing and Controlling Fraud
Uncovering & Verifying Background Information
Identifying and Verifying Assets

How do they get away with this? Simple. They legally search public records. Much of this public-record information is computerized, although some of it is not. In any event, I do not advocate illegal or questionable access methods, or the breaking of any laws. Checking up on the (possibly criminal) politician of your choice doesn’t have to be a crime.

Still not convinced? Hop over to Infonet (http://www.infi.net/~dgs.assc/locator/bgrndnfo.html), which for a fee will mine public records for nuggets like:

Felony and Misdemeanor Criminal Filings–“Search any court in the nation for a seven year history of criminal filings and possible convictions.” (Many politicians wait until they reach office to work on this part of their resume, but some are early starters.)

Driving Histories–“Search a three to seven year history of an individuals driving performance, including tickets and accidents.” (So you don’t really care if your politician speeds a little now and then. But, on the other hand, did that official who helped him get out of a DWI expect a quid pro quo?)

Upper and Lower Court Civil Filings–“Obtain a civil litigation history of any individual in any court in the United States.” (Is there some hidden reason this guy is getting sued all the time?)

Social Security Number Tracking–“Access all three credit bureaus to verify the user of a social security number and the addresses being used.” (Having your politician’s social security number is the next best thing to having his Swiss bank account number.)

Professional Licensing–“Verify the existence and status of an entity’s license in a specific practice area, such as private investigation, medicine, real estate and more.” (Was your politician really a world-renowned physicist before returning home to run for mayor of Rat’s Ass?)

Consumer and Business Credit Reports–“Review account balances, credit terms and payment histories for an individual or business.” (“So, before he went to Washington, he couldn’t pay his bills . . .”)

Well, if they can do it, so can you.

So where do you start? Well, first see what the politician him/herself has to say about the money flows. Federal law (5 USC app. 6, section 101 et seq.) requires members of Congress to file Financial Disclosure Statements yearly. The Financial Disclosure form has nine parts:

Schedule I:    Earned Income
Schedule II:   Payments in Lieu of Honoraria Made to 
        Charity
Schedule III:  Assets and "Unearned Income"
Schedule IV:  Transactions.
Schedule V:   Liabilities
Schedule VI:  Gifts
Schedule VII: Fact-Finding, Substantial Participation, 
        and Other Travel
Schedule VIII: Positions
Schedule IX:  Agreements

Want to see Newt Gingrich’s personal finances for the year 1993? Direct your web browser to http://www.cais.com/ newtwatch/93sei.html.

Many state, county, and city elections have similar requirements, either on a personal or a campaign basis. Want to see a copy of the Candidate Campaign Statement-Long Form-Form 490 for Joel Ventresca, candidate for Mayor of San Francisco? Visit Campaign Net at http://tmx.com/sfvote.

These statements represent what a politician says he or she has or gets. But the really interesting items–like those kickbacks from the Cali cartel–not surprisingly go unreported. To get the good stuff, you will need your full hacker armor.

The first thing to get is your politician’s social security number (SSN). It’s not difficult. Your politician loves to be photographed doing his/her civic duty of voting. Which means he or she fills out a voter’s registration card (public information) which will contain said politician’s name, address, date of birth, party affiliation, and–usually–social security number. Voter files may be obtained at your politician’s local county court house, as well as on many on-line data bases. A person’s SSN is the common key that links together many commercial and government data bases.

Can’t find the SSN number on the voter’s registration card? Then try DMV records. The insurance lobby has made sure that driver’s records are easy to get, along with the details of any accidents, and critical driver information such as height, color of eyes, address–and social security number, if the latter was required information on the form. (California won’t give out addresses, if a request has been filed not to do so–the “movie star” exemption.) In about 20 states the individual’s social security number is the driver’s license number.

Still searching? Then go with the triple whammy of the major credit bureaus–TRW, TransUnion, and CBI/Equifax. The Fair Credit Reporting Act essentially implies you must be contemplating a business relationship–such as selling a car, renting an apartment, giving a loan, or attempting to collect on a judgment–with a party to request his credit report. But the header information in the file–such as social security number, date of birth, address, and spouse’s name–is legally available to anyone, and your inquiry (unlike an actual credit report) will leave no footprints. The addresses and phone numbers are:

TRW
660 N. Central Expressway, Exit 28
Allen, TX 75002
Automated phone: 800-392-1122
Phone: 800-422-4879

CBI/Equifax
5505 Peachtree Dunwoody, #600
Atlanta, GA 30374-0241.
Automated phone: 800-685-1111
Phone: 800-685-5000

Trans Union
P.O.Box 7000
North Olmsted OH 44070-7000
Automated phone: 800-851-2674
Phone: (714) 738-3800, ext. 6450

Are you a hacker-journalist? Then take a peak at the National Institute for Computer-Assisted Reporting (NICAR; located at http://www.nicar.org/). Their bylaws prohibit them from selling data to nonjournalists (not that you want to buy data anyway–we’re just exploring possibilities). But data is “sold at or below costs to journalism organizations or individuals for legitimate journalism uses only.” (Doing your civic duty to keep tabs on your politician is, naturally, a legitimate journalistic use of the data.) Their data bases include these publicly-available information sets, among others:

Organization: Government Services Agency
Databases: Federal Procurement Contracts for 1992-1994.

Organization: Federal Election Commission
Databases: Campaign Contributions for the 1991-1994
election cycle.

Organization: Federal Reserve Board
Databases: home mortgage loans covered by Home Mortgage
Disclosure Act (for 1992-1994)

Organization: Federal Aviation Administration
Databases: Service Difficulty Reports, Airman Directory,
Aircraft Registry

Organization: Federal Bureau of Investigation
Databases: Uniform Crime Reports

Organization: Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms
Databases: Gun Dealer Licenses

The existence of such data immediately brings to mind a barrage of possibly relevant questions:

Is there an incestuous relationship between the donors to your politician’s campaign and subsequent federal government contracts? (It always starts somewhere . . .) To find out, compare federal procurement data with campaign contributions. Campaign contribution data from the Federal Election Commission are supposed to include all contributions by individuals and political action groups (PACs) to a politician’s federal election campaign. The Government Services Agency, meanwhile, keeps Individual Contract Action Reports (ICARs), which has information about the federal agency granting a government contract, the identity of the contractor, and the contract dollar amount.

Has your politician recently purchased a new home? What is its value? What was the down payment? Is he or she living suspiciously beyond his or her means? What is your politician’s race or gender (DNA sequence?)? To start to answer these questions, look at home mortgage data. The Federal Reserve Board started keeping data like this in order to check on “fair” lending practices. So the Fed began tracking home and home-improvement loans, as well as bank-purchased loans. (And just to help the enterprising hacker, when your politician is buying, or possibly refinancing, a house, most banks will now ask for his Social Security Number on the Deed of Trust, especially as the Federal National Mortgage Association now requires it.)

Does your politician own an aircraft? What’s its value? Did he purchase it with cash? Check the FAA’s aircraft records.

Does your politician own a gun even while advocating gun control? If he bought the gun from a dealer, ATF records can help out here.

And so on.

Now let’s get to the nitty-gritty: city, county, and state records. The City Clerk in your politician’s home town will have a list of business licenses (name, address, date) and building permits (name, address, cost of construction). The County Clerk or County Recorder should have liens on file (lien holder, payment agreements), a Probate Index (estate settlements), records of lawsuits and judgments, powers of attorney with respect to real estate, records of mortgages on personal property, and bankruptcy papers. Here you can find out not only the value of your politician’s property, but also the names, addresses, and property values of everyone who lives on his street. City and County Courts will also maintain a Civil Index (civil actions, plaintiffs and defendants, as well as civil files: description of any disputed property or valuables), a Criminal Index (criminal cases in Superior Court, as well as criminal files), and voter’s registration files.

The county tax collector will have a description of any property owned, as well as taxes paid on real estate and personal property. The county assessor may also have maps and photos, or even blueprints showing the location of your politician’s hot tub. The Secretary of State will have corporation files and possibly annual reports of your politician’s company.

Okay, let’s go over it again, taking it slow. With your politician’s social security number in hand, you can get header information from the major credit bureaus. This will give you a seven to ten year history of addresses, as well any spousal name or names. The latter is very important, since your average politician’s instinct will be to keep questionable sums of money and suspect personal assets in the name of his or her spouse, sibling, business associate, or girlfriend.

Next you go to the state Department of Motor Vehicles, to find out your politician’s tastes in cars, trucks, motorcyles, boats, trailers, and recreational vehicles. Of course if your politician leases any of the above, he or she will not show up as the vehicle owner. So the next thing to do is to run the license plate number of that Caddy parked out front, since this will give you the name of both lessee and lessor.

Next you talk to someone who does business with your politician, and who thus has a permissible reason under the Fair Credit Reporting Act to run a credit check. This will give you a listing of all your politician’s credit accounts, current balances, payment history, and payment terms. Any bankruptcies in the last ten years, or liens or judgments in the last seven years, will be listed. Did your politician suddenly receive a huge campaign contribution from some source, soon after your politician found himself stuck with a quarter million dollar judgment against him? If so, he won’t be the first person who has sold out his country to pay off a personal financial debt.

What property does your politician own? The offices of County Recorder and County Tax Assessor will give you the land value, improvement value, and total assesssed values for any property. They will frequently have also the amounts received for any sales, the sale dates, as well as information on the mortgage-holder or other lender. Did your politician get a large loan from Washoe International State Bank just about the time Washoe International State Bank was having trouble with state banking regulators, who are overseen by a legislative committee on which your politician sits?

Does your politician own a business of any consequential size? Then run a business credit check. Who are (were) your politician’s business associates? Who are the company officers and principals? Or–if as is commonly the case–your politician is a lawyer, who are the law partners? Look also for bankruptcies, tax liens, public records filings, judgments, and UCC (Uniform Commercial Code) financing statements. These documents may turn out to be filled with all sorts of unexpected names, dates, and activities.

On what honorary commissions does your politician serve? Do the commission’s audited financial statements show any payments for services not rendered? This was apparently what New York Attorney General Dennis Vacco was wondering, when he noted, on January 9, 1996, in a letter to the National Center on Education and the Economy: “Statement 11 on your 1990 Federal 990 and Note 5 on your 1990 audited financial statements indicate that the Center had retained the services of Hillary Rodham Clinton, a member of the Rose Law firm, to direct your Workforce Skills Program while she also served as a member of the Center’s Board of Trustees. Statement 11 of the 1990 filing indicates that Mrs. Clinton received $23,000 for unspecified services. The 1990 filing also refers to a second contract, which was reported to be in the amount of $150,000 covering the period February 1, 1991 through January 31, 1992, and a similar statement appears on Statement 11 attached to the 1991 Federal 990.”

Moreover, did either Hillary Clinton or the Rose Law firm pay taxes on the sums received? (A little birdie tells me neither one did.)

The office of the Secretary of State in any of the 50 states can be a source of UCC searches. UCC Indices will show whether your politician is listed as either a debtor or secured party. (Okay. So your politician is up to his neck in debt to Jackson Stephens. That doesn’t mean he listens to a word of political advice Stephens gives him. No way.)

Superior Courts, Federal Bankruptcy Courts, Small Claims Courts, and city, county, and state tax authorities keep records of tax liens, court judgments, and bankruptcy filings. These reveal not only outstanding financial obligations, but also personal and company affiliations, partners, subsidiaries, and dependents. (Is there a Don Lasater or Don Tyson in your politician’s background?)

Does your politician really have those degrees he claims? Call the college registrar. Despite what you think, many politicians don’t believe in their own “self-made man” rhetoric, and will enhance their resumes with unearned degrees. This in itself may only be a venal sin, but someone who records falsehoods in this area will likely also lie in others.

Has your politician been in the news? Check your library’s newspaper file, along with reader’s guides, and other news indexes. On the Internet, you can quickly search for your politician’s name among the 8 billion words on 16 million WWW pages, using the new Alta Vista search utility created by Digital Equipment Corporation. You can also do a name or keyword search through all 13,000 Usenet groups. Alta Vista is located at .

Be sure to read Lee Lapin’s book The Whole Spy Catalog (Intelligence Incorporated, 2228 S. El Camino Real, San Mateo, CA 94403; ISBN 1-880231-10-7) for literally dozens of names, addresses, and phone numbers of data information providers, along with an evaluation of their services. You don’t need to patronize these services in order to steal ideas from them.

Basically none of these providers specializes in politicians, so after a little self-education and set-up, you may be in a position to start your own business in political investigations. Bill yourself as a 21st Century Sherlock Holmes. (Somebody has to stop the nefarious influence of DigiCrime, Inc., found at http://www.digicrime.com/.)

Oh. About those foreign bank accounts. Well, I’ll leave that to your imagination. But a little birdie told me if you call a military base computer, find an out-dial number, call another military base, and so on, going through a minimum of three military bases, any trace back will stop at the third military base.

Whatever you do, don’t do anything illegal.

Posted to the Internet November 4, 1996.

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Hackers vs. Politicians, Part 1

Hackers vs. Politicians, Part 1


by J. Orlin Grabbe
The following article, “The Still Before the Storm,” by James Norman, details how a group of “Fifth Column” hackers have initiated a campaign to clean up political corruption, resulting so far in the announced retirement of over thirty politicians (who have received packages of information detailing their financial shenanigans). Norman calls this group “CIA computer hackers”, though in fact the group is totally outside government. (One member is ex-NSA, an agency that member now despises, and another member is ex-CIA.) But, anyway, as Norman notes:
“. . . the Fifth Column has managed to penetrate Swiss and other foreign banks to quietly withdraw what is now an astounding $2.5 billion in illicit money from coded accounts they have identified as belonging to government figures.
“Starting in 1991, this five-man Fifth Column team has been using its own Cray supercomputer to break into foreign bank computers, download vast libraries of data and trace this money to a wide range of illegal activities, from kickbacks on drug and arms deals to insider trading profits, software piracy and the sale of state secrets. Oh yes, don’t forget tax evasion.”
What I like about the Fifth Column campaign is that it simply asks politicians to live by their own rules. If they want to launder money themselves, then they should get rid of the money-laundering statutes and let the rest of us have the same privileges. If they don’t want to pay taxes, then let them get rid of the tax laws. If they want to continue the insane “war on drugs,” then they shouldn’t be taking payoffs from drug lords. (It is amazing how non-authoritarian people become if forced to practice what they preach.)
This article is an introduction to the politically possibilities of hacking. Hackers Versus Politicians, Part II, will present a brief how-to for the enterprising hacker to (legally) prepare his or her own background report on any given politician (sorry, Senator Exon has already received an envelope). Let’s face it: journalists are too technically incompetent to do the job.

This is the entire text of the James Norman article from the December 1995 issue of Media Bypass magazine.


THE STILL BEFORE THE STORM


by James Norman
By all appearances, things are business as usual in Washington. There is the traditional budget bickering this time of the year, the partisan sniping and the backstabbing among Republican presidential hopefuls angling for pole position next year. Meanwhile, President Clinton and his ambitious wife manage to hold a comfortable approval rating in the polls, enjoy favorable press and seemingly have managed to shrug off persistent “Whitewater” allegations that have dogged his presidency.
But don’t be lulled by the mainstream media, which has been hard at work pooh-poohing these corruption charges and doubts about the official “suicide” of former White House Deputy Counsel Vincent W. Foster. This is just the eerie still before a storm. A hurricane lurks just over the horizon. Thunderheads are gathering and looming darker. Distant lightning can be seen but not yet heard. Straws are starting to blow in the wind.
This government may be on the threshold of upheaval unprecedented since the Civil War. That is the cryptic message coming from multiple well-connected sources close to the intelligence community, who say big things are quietly afoot that could fundamentally shuffle this country’s political deck. And that may be just fine with Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.), who sources say is quietly maneuvering to use this impending turmoil not just to “re-engineer government” but to purge both political parties and effect what amounts to a bloodless coupe d’etat.
Swept away will be not only a raft of big-name Democratic senators and congressmen, but also many prominent, old-line Republicans who have been feeding at the trough of corruption for years. It won’t stop with politicians, either. Prominent Wall Streeters, bureaucrats, military officers and a slew of intelligence bigshots are also said to be about to take a fall. Well over 300 names are said to be involved in the scandal.
“Apocalypse soon!” predicts P.P. Willie.
P.P. Willie is actually a dog. But it is also the pen name for a legendary World War II military intelligence veteran, now living in St. Petersburg, Fla., who writes for a semi-weekly newsletter called WASHINGTON REPORT. It is a pithy, irreverent Capitol gossip sheet with a penchant for pink paper. But it is read with considerable interest by its 5,000 subscribers – mostly in Washington and overseas – because Willie is known to be well-connected within the intelligent community. In the past he has been uncannily accurate about goings-on in the spook world. And times there now are very troubled.
Willie’s latest:
“Remember reading about TEA POT DOME? How about WATERGATE? Then came IRAN-CONTRA. Not bad. All the past WASHINGTON political SCANDALS are ITTY BITTY compared to one that should surface next year, about early spring.
“You don’t suppose a few GOOD GUYS in the CIA, FBI, IRS, and NSA (they are not many, but they exist) are fed up with tucking their tails and running in the face of WHITE HOUSE pressure? What if they went public with TRUE DOCUMENTED stories of ESPIONAGE, MURDER, TAX EVASION, DRUG DEALING, MILLIONS OF DOLLARS STASHED IN OFFSHORE BANK ACCOUNTS AND OTHER BIG TIME HANKY PANKY at the very TIP TOP of the WASHINGTON manure pile? The MAJOR MEDIA would not want to embarrass the LIBERAL DARLINGS. But WHAT IF A LONDON newspaper and PINK newsletter broke the story? Talk RADIO would then spread the word across the nation…The odds are this scandal will break. We hear it’s a DONE DEAL.”
Whispers of such a spilling of the beans are being heard from multiple, separate intelligence sources. Specifically, as reported in the August and October editions of MEDIA BYPASS, a small, vigilante team of CIA computer hackers dubbed the Fifth Column has managed to penetrate Swiss and other foreign banks to quietly withdraw what is now an astounding $2.5 billion in illicit money from coded accounts they have identified as belonging to government figures.
Starting in 1991, this five-man Fifth Column team has been using its own Cray supercomputer to break into foreign bank computers, download vast libraries of data and trace this money to a wide range of illegal activities, from kickbacks on drug and arms deals to insider trading profits, software piracy and the sale of state secrets. Oh yes, don’t forget tax evasion.
The money has been moved to a U.S. Treasury holding account at several Federal Reserve Banks, escrowed for use by the CIA if and only if the CIA gets rid of its own bad apples. How could the government hide that much money, denying under Freedom of Information Act requests that it even exists? Just ask the National Reconnaissance Office, the government’s spy satellite agency, which recently fessed up to having $1.7 billion stashed in secret accounts.
More important then the money, however, are the NAMES. Who had these accounts? Are they still in office? Who has the list and the proof? Are they using this information to extort political blackmail? Will the bad guys be able to buy their way out of exposure? One thing is certain: Whoever controls this phantom roster of corrupt politicians and money men has this government’s private parts in a tightening vise. One man who may know is Charles S. Hayes [aka Chalmer Hayes], an irascible Kentucky computer salvage dealer and recently-retired CIA contractor believed to be part of, or closely involved with, this Fifth Column.
Hayes, corroborating P.P. Willie’s report, does declare that all the names will come out. Eventually. “When we get good and ready,” Hayes says. The Powers That Be can do little to stop him. Any move against the three remaining Fifth Column compatriots (one has died and another is disabled) would be certain to unleash the information in a flood.
At least one big name has already been revealed: Vince Foster. Multiple sources say one of Foster’s several Swiss accounts was raided just before his death of $2.73 million in proceeds from the sale of sensitive codes and other secrets to Israel’s Mossad. Which may explain why the government is so anxious to portray Foster’s death as a simple suicide. In reality, it could be the loose thread that unravels a massive tapestry of corruption.
That suicide cover story is rapidly fraying, despite intense efforts by the White House and Washington establishment to hold it together. For instance, credible independent handwriting analysts concluded in late October that Foster’s supposed suicide note is a forgery. Indeed, there are a number of recent tell-tale events that suggest that something very big is at hand. Among them:

CIA briefings. Beginning in late October, high-level CIA officials began sensitive one-on-one briefings with key members of Congress and those with intelligence committee assignments. No staff members are allowed. All parties are sworn to secrecy. Less than a dozen lawmakers are involved. The subject, according to two sources: Espionage activities of Vincent Foster and his alleged partner – First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton – on behalf of Israel’s Mossad and perhaps other foreign governments. The purpose of these briefings appears to be to prep key leaders for cataclysmic political events ahead, including the likely indictment and possible flight to a foreign country of the First Lady and what would surely be the inevitable removal of Bill Clinton from office.

Resignations. There has been an unusually large number of veteran congressmen and senators announcing their resignations, retirements or switching parties. Among them, Sen. Sam Nunn (D-Ga.), former chairman and now ranking minority member of the powerful Armed Services Committee. Another is Rep. Norman Minetta (D-Calif.), former chairman of the pork-laden House Transportation Committee. The official explanation: It’s no fun now that the Republicans control Congress. But sources claim the real reason is that some of these departees have been quietly confronted with evidence that they took bribes or payoffs through Swiss or other offshore bank accounts. Rumor has it that about 30 current members of the House and Senate have been identified as having such foreign slush-fund accounts and that Gingrich is trying to weed them out before the names become public.

Curious denials. Multiple good sources have confirmed a report by veteran Washington correspondent Sarah McClendon that over the Labor Day weekend, Gingrich attended a “party” at the home of Vice President Al Gore that included Sen. Bill Bradley, Attorney General Janet Reno and some other prominent Democrats, after which Gore and Clinton had a shouting match. But everyone said to be involved in the meeting claims it never took place. Is it because Gingrich was there to deliver the bad news: a mountain of hard evidence of high-level corruption? Gingrich declines to be interviewed by MEDIA BYPASS.
This Fifth Column team apparently began its work in the late 1980s. Their primary assignment was to break into foreign intelligence agency databases by a variety of physical and electronic means. But the main means of entry was via secret “back doors” programmed into the modified “PROMIS” tracking software which our government, under the direction of CIA spymaster William Casey, managed to market all over the globe, even to our enemies.
This initial phase of the computer spy effort succeeded in downloading data from more than 50 foreign intelligence services, including the KGB, the Mossad and most of Europe’s spy agencies, according to various CIA-related sources. Contrary to boastful claims by the FBI, this is apparently how Russian mole Aldrich Ames was identified as a double agent more than two years before his dramatic arrest in February 1994. This is also how the CIA found out Foster was working for the Mossad, after learning that someone in our government was delivering highly sensitive computer codes to the Israelis; Foster had been a long-time handler of sensitive computer spy deals and covert money-laundering for the NSA (MEDIA BYPASS, Aug. 1995). Found along with Foster’s name in the Mossad data base was that of Hillary Clinton, whose name also cropped up as an operative for at least two other European intelligence services, as yet unidentified.
At the time of his death, MEDIA BYPASS has previously reported, Foster was under close counter-espionage surveillance involving members of the CIA, FBI, Secret Service as well as an IRS team. Two good sources say they have heard that Saudi Arabia also had agents surveilling Foster. He knew he was being investigated and was apparently under pressure to cop a plea to prevent the probe from bringing down others in the White House. The FBI apparently also knew that Foster’s life was in danger: According to two reliable intelligence sources, on the day of his death, FBI agents used a pair of bomb-sniffing dogs to inspect Foster’s Honda in the White House parking lot – and probably planted a transponder on the car so they could track the movements.
White House videotapes of the parking lot, which would have shown that inspection, have allegedly disappeared, according to this intelligence source. But sources say the surveillance teams have still photos and videotapes of Foster’s activities on the afternoon he died, July 20, 1993, showing him entering an apartment. It is here that Foster was apparently killed, after a sexual encounter with a brownish-blond woman photographed leaving the apartment afterwards. Also photographed, these sources say, was the hit squad, apparently “assets” contracted by the Mossad but not including any agents of the Mossad itself. Foster’s body was apparently rolled up in a rug and deposited at Fort Marcy Park – which is still closed to visitors as the FBI supposedly searches for the bullet that killed him.
Doggedly, the White House and offical Washington, aided by a blinded mainstream press, continue to claim it was just a suicide, despite the seriously flawed and widely discredited report to that effect by original Whitewater Special Counsel Robert Fiske, and a cursory Senate inquiry.
Sources say it is the continuing coverup, now more than two years after Foster’s death, and the brazen nature of Foster’s assassination, that has soured CIA professionals and has prompted them to consider going public with what they know. Adding to their frustration was the resignation of reform-minded CIA director James Woollsey last year and his replacement by John Deutch.
Deutch’s job appears to be to keep a lid on things and to protect the Clintons and the massive, ongoing illegal drug and arms trade that provides the agency with billions of dollars in revenue completely out of view of Congress and government watchdogs.
Deutch’s recent attempt to use the Aldrich Ames case as a club to attack the CIA and its past directors has brought the agency’s simmering revolt to a boil. “Deutch had better watch his altitude and attitude,” said one veteran CIA man. “He’d better get off his soapbox before he gets indicted himself.”
Rumors of CIA involvement in drug trafficking go back to before the Vietnam war, with heroin trade from Laos’ Golden Triangle. But in the late ’70s or early ’80s, the agency virtually took over and nationalized the wholesale importation of cocaine into this country through obscure airfields like the one at Mena, Ark., on the grounds that it was the only way to control the drug trade. In other words: “If you can’t lick them, join them.” The operation was soon generating vastly more money than ever imagined – which has come back to line the pockets of top government officials from the Reagan, Bush and Clinton administrations. The money-laundering operations have likewise drawn in major banks and brokerage houses. By some accounts, the revenues still run upwards of $7 billion a year.
Details of government involvement in this society- wrecking drug trade are now emerging from various sources. Bits and pieces emerged during the Iran-Contra and Iraqgate hearings of the 1980s, which produced a million pages of documents but only a handful of indictments, and fewer convictions. Perhaps the biggest fish caught was Reagan Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, charged with lying to Congress. He was pardoned by President George Bush just as Bush was leaving office in 1992. Curiously, Weinberger’s right-hand-man through most of that period was would-be presidential contender Gen. Colin Powell, who Weinberger had brought up to be a top military advisor, out of Casey’s intelligence empire where he is said to have served with the NSA and to have been intimately familiar with the drug and arms flow.
There is also a growing court record of sworn testimony in the wrongful prosecution case of former CIA contract pilot Terry Reed. Reed claims in his book, “Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA,” that Bill Clinton, while governor of Arkansas, was well aware of the drug trafficking there but played along with the game to earn himself the status of an “approved” candidate for the presidency. With that would come plenty of financing.
Another source now openly discussing the massive drug business is retired Navy Lt. Commander Alexander Martin. Martin was, in effect, the chief accountant for the Reagan/Bush drug operations run by Marine Lt. Col. Oliver North, through an obscure arm of the White House National Security Council called the Natinal Programs Office. In a radio interview with talk show host Tom Valentine last July, Martin spoke not only of drugs and money, but death. “Out of roughly 5,000 of us who were originally involved in Iran-Contra, approximately 400, since 1986, have committed suicide, died accidently or died of natural causes. In over half those deaths, official death certificates were never issued. In 187 circumstances, the bodies were cremated before the families were notified.” Martin then said he was lying low.
Not low enough. In late October, Martin was arrested and jailed without bond in Broward County, Fla., for supposed violation of his probation on a 1990 bad-check charge. Such small-time charges are a common device used to squelch and discredit former players in this government-run drug and arms racket.
Corruption. Most Americans like to think their government is somehow immune to the kinds of bribery and abuse of public power rampant in “Third World” countries. The emerging reality is that the exact opposite is true. The more wealth and power at stake, the greater the incentive to subvert and corrupt. Sources say the dark truths predicted to be unveiled by P.P. Willie will be utterly damning.


END OF JAMES NORMAN ARTICLE FOR DEC 1995 MEDIA BYPASS

[Transcribed and first posted to Internet by Ken Cook]

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Feed the Children

Feed the Children
a story
by J. Orlin Grabbe

Lithgow first met Karen at The Delphic Oracle, a cafe-bar in the East Village, where she had listened to the bartender’s tape: the one made an earlier night when the performer, a folk singer, had stayed on after closing time, and a few of the regular customers had had a sing-along, and–moved by the mood and the wine– Lithgow had given an economic diatribe in the style of a Southern preacher. Something like:

Well, brethren, I have called this Council together because there is evil in the land, and we’ve got to root it out. Now there are those who talk about their multiple regressions. And econometric transgressions. But I want to tell you, I looked at the housing market, and–brother–I saw sin!

Oh, I say we got to get those interest rates down! Say Amen!

Oh, I say we got to get those interest rates down! Say Optimal! . . .

Something like that. A few days later Lithgow came in and saw a woman sitting across the corner of the bar. She stared at him and he said hello.

What do you do? he asked.

Guerrilla theater, she replied.

He sipped his wine, wondering what that meant.

I’m an unemployed actress, she said. I type 120 wpm and live in Indianapolis. My name is Karen.

I’m Lithgow. What brings you to New York?

Who is this guy? she asked the bartender.

He did the sermon on the tape, the bartender replied.

Umm, she said. I’m here looking for a job. I used to be with the Larouche organization, and we were trying to feed the starving children, before I was fucked over by some of the top people. Do you know anything about his theories?

Unfortunately, Lithgow said. Larouche is a fascist.

She looked at the bartender. Is he for real?

I think he’s for real.

Okay, I guess I’ll listen to what you have to say then.

She came around the edge of the bar and sat beside Lithgow.

What do you do? she asked.

I’m trying to write a play, but I do research to make a living. I took economics in school.

She looked at him with an open gaze that in another context he would have interpreted as a sign of sexual interest.

We need to have a discussion about what to do about the housing situation, and the homeless, and how we were going to feed the hungry of the world, she said. Do you know that six million children will die of starvation this year alone?

He didn’t answer. He hadn’t come to the bar to talk about global problems he could do nothing about.

Before you came in, the bartender related to Lithgow, Karen was having dinner with this social worker. And there were three Englishmen who had come in, and Karen says in a loud voice to the social worker that she had had no money the previous night and had to give someone a five dollar blow-job for cabfare.

Lithgow looked at Karen. She didn’t seem to mind that the bartender was relating the story in front of her.

So the social worker starts yelling, the bartender continued, that she had promised to be decent in public and stomped out saying he would call her later.

What did the Englishmen say?

Two of the three Englishmen were having a good time, but felt inhibited in front of their boss. But they all turned to listen when Karen started talking about blow-jobs.

Karen looked at Lithgow with pride. I’m very good, she said.

Lithgow didn’t know what to say. Are you always this way? he eventually asked.

As long as I’ve known her, she’s always been Crazy Karen, the bartender said.

I’m crazy as my lord is insane. I’ve been fucked over a lot. Once I was grabbed by the Secret Service at a Dukakis rally. I had a sign, and I started yelling at him, asking him what he was going to do to feed the children, and the SS grabbed me and threw me in a car.

What happened then? Lithgow asked. But her attention was already elsewhere, and she began to talk to another person who had sat at the bar. A stranger, apparently.

After a while she turned back toward him.

Harry meet Lithgow. Lithgow is an economist. I don’t know much about economics, but one thing I do know is when money cancels out debt, there will no longer be an excuse not to feed the hungry. Lithgow, would you be so good as to explain to Harry what MV = PT means?

Startled, Lithgow attempted a quick explanation, then felt foolish. He did not know why he felt a need to answer, or why Harry should care, or why an explanation was relevant.

What do you think, Karen asked Lithgow, if we had the Concord fly over Africa and drop tons of Wonder Bread?

He looked at her carefully. He decided she meant it as a serious question.

I don’t know. I don’t think it will work. Anyway, I’m not interested in solving social problems.

You’re already on record! she screamed at him, slamming her fist on top of the bar.

Lithgow buried his attention in his wine glass.

How old do you think I am? she asked calmly.

Her age was indeterminate. Somewhere in the thirties, he decided. Early thirties.

I’m forty, she said. You know, it’s getting past time for me to have a child. I want to have the first child born on the moon. Or conceived on the moon and born on Mars.

They then talked for a while in a manner that Lithgow found distressingly desultory. To have a conversation with this woman, he thought, I’ll have to find a way to condense anything I have to say about any particular topic into a single sentence. That’s all I get before the subject changes.

When he was ready to leave the bar, he told her he lived in midtown, and she said she was staying with a friend in the nineties. She asked if he would walk her by the cash machine on Second Avenue. They walked to the automatic teller near St. Marks, where her hometown bank balance stood at twelve dollars after withdrawing thirty in cash.

Why don’t you come uptown and play pool with me, she asked. There’s a table in a bar near where I’m staying. We can stop at your place on the way, if you want.

He shrugged consent and waved down a cab. She introduced herself to the cab driver, and asked him how he was doing. The driver complained there was no money in driving a cab all day.

This is Lithgow, an economist, she said. Perhaps the two of you should discuss the labor situation in this country.

Lithgow nodded at the driver but didn’t say anything, and was grateful to receive silence in return. After a time, he put his arm around Karen. He wasn’t sure why. It seemed natural and cozy.

She looked at him. Do you want to make love to me?

Maybe, he said. He didn’t know if he did or not. He was embarrassed by the cabdriver’s attention to the conversation.

You must, you have your arm around me, she said.

When they got out of the cab, he stopped on the sidewalk and kissed her with sudden passion. She felt his erection with her hand. Do you like oral sex? she asked. I’m not using any birth control.

I don’t have any either, Lithgow thought to himself. He didn’t do this often.

They walked along the sidewalk.

You know this may only happen once, she said, just this time.

I know that.

When they reached the lobby of his apartment building she looked around and said You must be rich.

I’m not rich, but I’m not poor.

This is just between me and you, right? she asked in the elevator. You aren’t going to tell anyone?

He shook his head. He didn’t know why she was so concerned. When they entered the apartment, he left the lights out, and they went out on the balcony and looked at the city. He kissed her again and she said Feel how wet you are making me. He felt her through her dress and she said No, put your hand inside my panties. Then she asked Do you want to make love now, and he said Yes and pulled off her panties, and then said Let’s go inside. In the bedroom she said No, don’t make me come, I want to be hot like this for the rest of the night.

Sometime later she said: I want you inside of me. Lithgow thought about the lack of birth control, and the people she might have been with, and then he entered her and didn’t think about it anymore.

There was a full moon shining through the bedroom window. She said Oh I’m coming, and then lay strangely still. She lay inertly, without emotion.

There is nothing for you to do but come now, she said.

I came the same time you did.

She turned her face toward him. You shouldn’t have done that. I told you I wasn’t using any birth control.

It’s a dangerous game, he said.

But you would support the child, she said, looking into his face and seeming to find something reassuring.

They took a shower together, and he soaped the blemishes on her back, and she wanted to know if she should put on makeup and he said he didn’t care. She tuned in a rock station on the stereo, and then borrowed his hairdryer. He didn’t like the station, and after a minute turned it off and put on a CD by the Doors. Then he watched her try to smoke the tail end of a joint using scissors as a roach clip. He decided it was futile, and rolled some pot of his own, and they both smoked it rapidly.

Why don’t you give me a job, she said. You can dictate your plays to me, and I can type them.

I’m sorry, I can’t work that way. I write and edit them directly on a word processor. It’s the only way I know how to work.

They took a cab to the bar near where she was staying, and she ordered a sweet drink with tequila and madeira. The bartender was a big man, and fat, and wore a beret, and she knew him. When he was closing he stood beside them pressing his stomach into them like a barricade, and said It’s time to go now. Lithgow was annoyed.

They decided to walk on down the street to another bar which was still open, as they hadn’t had a chance to play pool. On the way there she said We could go back to your place and make love. He didn’t respond because he wanted more time to think about it, and he was feeling very drunk. At the bar Karen ordered White Castle hamburgers, which were available for a dollar each, and he got a martini. At one point he ran his hand up her skirt and she said angrily Will you stop it.

Sorry, he said, taken aback by her shift in mood.

The fat bartender from the previous bar came in, and the familiar way he acted with Karen made Lithgow wonder if he was the recipient of the five-dollar blow-job of the previous night. Another man, a dancer in his early twenties came in also, and Karen started talking to him, and then the four of them paid for a pool table. But Lithgow was so drunk he decided to walk home.

I leave Karen in your capable hands, he said to the dancer.

The dancer followed Lithgow to the door. Who is the big guy? he asked. Is she with him?

Don’t worry about him, Lithgow said. He’s just a bartender from up the street.

Then Karen came to the door, and asked Lithgow if he would be all right.

I think so.

Will I see you again?

At the cafe.

I do want to get together for a serious discussion of economics, she said.

She’s crazy, you know, the bartender at The Delphic Oracle told him the following night. I knew her when I was staying in Rome, and one night after she had come to visit, she ran naked through the streets and tried to hijack a bus.

Lithgow thought about his conversation with Karen, and then he realized the problem. The economic diatribe that the bartender had recorded and then played for her was actually an excerpt of a skit Lithgow had written a previous year. But– listening to the tape–Karen had interpreted Lithgow’s sermon as a spontaneous visionary possession, which made him a performance artist like herself: an agent for geo-political change through public scenes in establishments for eating and drinking. What was it she had said? One random statement without context: Draw people into the scene so they are at first unaware of what is really going on.

The bartender answered the phone and then handed Lithgow a note with a phone number. Call Karen at Samuel’s apartment, it said.

Who’s Samuel?

Samuel is the social worker who was here with Karen the other night. He’s a friend of hers.

Lithgow called the number and a man’s voice answered.

I have a note to call Karen, Lithgow said.

Well you can’t call her at this number, the voice responded firmly, and then in the background, before the receiver clicked, he heard the same voice screaming: You have your lovers call here! After the way I loved you!

Lithgow returned to the bar.

What did Karen have to say? the bartender asked.

Samuel answered and said I couldn’t call her there.

Well, that’s Samuel. The bartender looked at Lithgow. Are you okay?

Lithgow was thinking about the previous night. It’s just between you and me, she had said.

Would Karen set me up like this? he asked the bartender. Have me call her at Samuel’s, just so some man would be calling her there when Samuel answered the phone?

No, I don’t think so, the bartender replied. She doesn’t want to deal with that.

Lithgow, preoccupied, forgot to ask him what it was she didn’t want to deal with.

The following evening Lithgow found Karen sitting at the bar at The Delphic Oracle with a haggard, indifferently dressed man in his late thirties.

Lithgow, this is Samuel, Karen said.

Samuel didn’t appear to recognize him as the person who had called the previous night.

I’m a psychologist, Samuel said. I’m working to prevent psychiatric abuse.

Like with Karen? Lithgow asked.

Karen is the Harry Houdini of institutions, Samuel said. She gets in or out whenever she wants.

I’m doing better, aren’t I? Karen asked Samuel.

You’re not crazy, Lithgow told her.

Thanks, she responded. How much sorrow has to be endured before you can say it is finished?

Two gay men, apparently friends of Karen, came in, and she went and sat with them at a table across the room.

Samuel looked at Lithgow. I was one of the first people Karen asked to marry, Samuel said. Did she say anything about that? Samuel searched Lithgow’s face.

She didn’t mentioned it to me, Lithgow said. Samuel looked relieved.

I guess you know I’ve had a thing for Karen for a couple of years, Samuel said. But now I’ve met this 21-year old Yugoslavian girl with long blonde hair who is helping me get over her.

That’s good, Lithgow responded.

Karen told me you were her lover.

Lithgow shook his head at the question, thinking It’s none of your business. He saw Samuel looking at him. Let him interpret the gesture however he wants, he thought.

She tells everyone that everyone is her lover, Lithgow said.

He saw Samuel was pleased with the response, a reaction that puzzled him for a moment. Then he realized that Samuel had probably never slept with Karen.

A pale woman in a flowered dress came in and sat by Samuel. She was one of Samuel’s colleagues.

Lithgow knows Karen, Samuel said to the pale woman.

The problem with Karen, the woman said, is her praxis. For example, Karen is concerned about world hunger, but she still eats meat.

Hmm, Lithgow answered. He looked at both of them with distaste. There is a whole industry of problem solvers, he thought. Politicians, bureaucrats, demagogues, counselors, and charity workers who have found the way to power, fame, and wealth lies in championing lost causes and mucking about in other people’s lives. They’re really just parasites and vampires who are healthy only when others are sick, whose well-being increases in direct proportion to other people’s misery, and whose chief occupation is giving the appearance of working on the problems of others.

What is your play about? the woman asked Lithgow, when he told her what he was doing.

It’s a drama based on the Gnostic Gospels, Lithgow said.

Karen came back to the bar with the two gay men.

We’re going out, she said to Lithgow. Will you still be here later?

Probably.

Where are you going? Samuel asked. He looked distressed.

We’re going down the street to play pool, Karen said. Why don’t you stay here and talk to Lithgow? Lithgow is an economist, you know.

We were talking about the Gnostic Gospels, Lithgow said.

Why hasn’t God forgiven Satan? Karen asked. His prodigal son? She turned toward the door without waiting for an answer.

Samuel watched them leave. I’m afraid she’ll stop in every bar, he said to Lithgow. No telling what kind of trouble she’ll get into.

Why don’t we go to Blimpie on Sixth Avenue? the pale woman asked Samuel.

Lithgow stayed at The Delphic Oracle until closing, but Karen did not return.

The next morning was Saturday, and Lithgow slept until noon when he was awakened by the phone. It was Karen.

What are you doing? he asked.

There is nothing to do but make a joyful noise. I was calling because Samuel and I are going to have dinner at Cozy on Amsterdam at 5:45. Why don’t you join us? Afterward maybe we can go to The Delphic Oracle and have Rolling Rocks or whatever.

Okay, he said, where are you now?

I am currently at the Helmsley Hotel with Freddy, she said.

Who is Freddy?

He is a rock singer who has several gold records. I sang for him. He says I have a pretty good singing voice, but it needs some work. Last night we made a tour of the drug scene in Harlem.

You’ve been up all night?

I want to experience what the children are experiencing. If they’re shooting up, I want to shoot up. If they’re smoking crack, I want to smoke crack.

Be careful, Lithgow said. It was the only thing he could think of to say.

How can anyone be careful when there is death all around? She hung up.

Lithgow showered and dressed and was making coffee when Karen called again.

Something’s come up, she said. Samuel and I won’t be going to Cozy after all. I apologize. Will you be at The Delphic Oracle later? I just want to spend time with cool cats who know how to hang out and stay calm and have a good time. Do you know what I mean?

Maybe I’ll see you there, Lithgow said.

Karen came in to The Delphic Oracle at eight. She was wearing a Cleveland Indians T-shirt and baseball cap. Her face was covered with red makeup and she was wearing dark glasses. She said she had been doing coke all night with Freddy.

And I didn’t sleep with him, she said vehemently.

I didn’t ask, Lithgow thought. Why is she telling me this?

I’m just trying to get the rock music industry to focus on the starving children, she said. Live Aid–what was that? One day, one week. That isn’t shit.

Come, and I’ll introduce you to my friends, Lithgow said.

Later, she said. I have to go out. But I will come back and we can have dinner.

It was a hour or two later before Karen returned. The cap and dark glasses were gone, and she had changed her T-shirt. All that remained of the Cleveland Indians outfit was the red makeup still smeared over her face.

She slammed a manila folder down on the counter twice. This city is filled with nothing but hypocrites, faggots, and whores, she said to the bartender–the one she had visited in Rome.

The bartender looked at Lithgow. Sounds pretty accurate to me, the bartender said.

Lithgow opened the folder. Inside was a letter to George Bush. It was about world hunger.

What do you think of Karen’s crusade? the bartender asked Lithgow.

I don’t believe in crusades. My first responsibility is to take care of myself, so I won’t be a burden to other people.

Can the children take care of themselves? Karen asked.

I don’t believe in fighting evil. The universe disposes of its own evil. I think I read that in Dr. Sax.

It’s disposing of the children. Are they evil?

You are controlled by what you love and what you hate. But hate is the stronger emotion. Those who fight evil take on the characteristics of the enemy and become evil themselves.

Would you just read the fucking letter? Karen demanded. Read it out loud so everyone can hear.

Lithgow read the letter silently and then replaced it in the folder. Someone was playing Streets of London on the piano.

Would you like to dance? he asked Karen.

No, she said. But after a moment she changed her mind.

Aren’t I a good follower? she asked.

Yes.

Isn’t anyone going to cut in? I want to be had by all the men at the bar.

Lithgow looked at the bar. Anyone in particular? he asked.

That one, she said, pointing to a man with a long blond ponytail.

They returned to the bar, but the man with the ponytail was not interested in talking to Karen.

Lithgow was at The Delphic Oracle the following evening when the bartender passed him the phone. Karen seemed to be speaking with her head turned.

Ready to go? The brothers are ready? They want to see the children fed?

Now the voice came through distinctly.

We’re having a demonstration. A midnight vigil before the UN. Food riots are happening all over the world. We’re going to hold all things in common. You want to come to 42nd Street and join us?

He didn’t. But what he said was: Maybe.

Is regurgitation biodegradable? she asked, and hung up.

After a while Lithgow walked up Second Avenue to 42nd Street and over to the UN building. There was a group of six or seven people on the sidewalk. They were watching Karen, who was in the middle of the street arguing with a policeman. The policeman put his hands on her shoulders and began pushing her back in the direction of the sidewalk. At the last moment she jerked away, then tripped over the curb and fell into a police barricade.

She sat up and Lithgow came and sat beside her.

Do you think there are politics in the Kingdom of God? she asked Lithgow. She seemed to be all right.

He knew what he wanted to tell her.

The universe is basically indifferent to human joys or suffering, he would say. What happens just happens. It doesn’t warrant labels of “good” or “bad”, or human reactions of sympathy or hatred. Effort to control or alter the course of events is wasted. One should cultivate detachment and learn to go with the flow. Because the sage strives not, no man may contend against him. He who attracts to himself all that is under Heaven does so without effort. He who makes effort is not able to attract it.

He wanted to say all these things, but he didn’t. He didn’t say anything.

Kill me or let me have my freedom, Karen said.

After a while she looked at Lithgow: Did I ever tell you I had an abortion? The doctor so fucking butchered me I’ll never be able to have children.

Can I take you somewhere in a cab? Lithgow asked.

No, I have to stay here. I’m the only one who cares.

Lithgow did not see Karen at The Delphic Oracle the following night. But when he returned home there were two messages from her on his answering machine.

The first one said: I’m at Penn station. Amtrak fucked me over. The police fucked me over. The next stop is bus stop. I’d like to fly home United tonight. Tonight! In the flesh I’d like to kick up my heels. Tonight!

The final message was shorter: This city has defeated me. I’ve done all I could. Now it’s up to you.

from Liberty, May 1995

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